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Felsing FamilyGenealogyPages
Genealogy Of The Felsing Family |
Notes
Matches 4,201 to 4,300 of 5,951
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| 4201 | Her father's will states "Annatie, wife of Jacob Van Aernum". | Van Vranken, Annatie (I7626)
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| 4202 | Her first marriage | Family (F1659)
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| 4203 | Her name appears as Phillip in the records. Perhaps Philippa after her mother. | Chase, Phillip (I7540)
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| 4204 | Her names appears as Sarah Edna and as Edna Sarah on various records. Her death record as reported by her father lists Edna Sarah. I suspect that she went by Sarah, though. | Gordon, Edna Sarah (I6658)
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| 4205 | Her obituary shows no surviving children or grandchildren. | Hunt, Tressa (I2732)
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| 4206 | Here lies the body of Dn Josiah Dewey. He was born in Windsor 1640.........Slept in Jesus Sept7, 1732 In ye 92 year of his Age. Connecticut cemetery inscription. NEHGS 1920 Vol74 P57 transcriptions of Westfield Vital Records show wife of this Josiah as Experience Dewey--but that appears to be a mistake, as children born later are listed to Hepzibah. Also, Ebenezer listed as son of Josiah and Experience in Westfield Vital Records shows as son of Josiah and Hepzibah on his gravestone. Also Hepzibahs gravestone in Lebanon's Old Cemtery is inscribed as husband of Josiah. 6 Jun 1650; Hartford, Hartford Co., CT 26. It is Agreed and Concluded betwixt this Courte in the behalfe of the Children of Thomas Dewey and Geo: Phelps of Wyndsor that the whole of the land both meadow and vpland mentioned in the said Deweys Invento: amounting to the Sum of 75£ Shall bee sequestred for the Childre[ns] seuerall porcons so farr as it goes, and the remainder be[ing] 52£, he Ingages himselfe to gi7e int to the Courte sufficie[nt] security for the payment thereof according to the will of the Courte. The howse and peece of land belonging to it valued at 40£, the said Phelps Accepts vppon his wiues parte of the Estate. | Dewey, Josiah (I4357)
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| 4207 | Heritage Consulting. The Millennium File. Salt Lake City, UT, USA: Heritage Consulting. | Source (S774)
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| 4208 | Herrin, Cynthia, ed.. | Source (S459)
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| 4209 | Hezikiah Allen's will in 1776 mentioned a child Catharine per book 'annals of the sinnott, roger, coffin, corlies, reeves, bodine and allied families'. citation monmouth county probate files. Granvyl Hulse writes 'Catharine is reportedly the daughter of hezikiah Allen born 1716/20 in Shrewsbury,,,he was the son of Jonathon and Mary Corlies Allen both of Shrewsbury' but I have no citation on that. Found a summarized transcription of aforementioned will on Hezikiah Allen of Shrewsbury Township dated 29 feb 1776. in 'The literary era: a monthly repository of literary and ..., Volume 3' no date of probate. liber 17, no page #, west jersey. perhaps there is another record when the will was proved? So at this point we have no real evidence that our catharine is the daughter of hezikiah allen. OneWorldTree shows catharine dau of hezekiah allen married unknown Hulse. (www.archive.org/stream/calendarofnewjer06newj/calendarofnewjer06newj_djvu.txt) 1776, Feb 29. Allen, Hezekiali, of Shrewsbury Township, Monmouth County; will of. Grandson, David Allen, £1. Daughters, Mary Allen and Martha Allen, all my wool now on the sheeps' backs. Rest of estate to be sold. Son, James. £10. Son, Jonathon, £10. Children-Mary Allen, James Allen, Jonathon Allen, Catharine Allen and Martha Allen, the rest. Executors-friends, Edward Patterson Cook and Benjamin Jackson. Witnesses-Christopher Romine, John Lawrence. Proved May 28, 1776. Lib 21, P. 91. I am troubled by the fact that she was referred to as Catharine Allen, not Catharine Hulse in spite of being married for about 9 years at the time. As this is all the real evidence we have, we would have to be leaning against this being the correct person. | Allen, Catharine (I2057)
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| 4210 | Hillside Memorium Cemetery | Smith, Arthur D (I4680)
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| 4211 | his 1st marriage | Family (F2124)
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| 4212 | His age on 1900 (b.1862) has to be wrong. He did not marry at age 11. All of other census have him b. 1852. | Van Arman, George E (I11299)
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| 4213 | His death certificate shows Capp Maxfield as father. This is probably a nickname. Informant was Mrs. James Harvey, who is Linus's daughter Sylvia. | Maxfield, Linus Dorr (I5036)
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| 4214 | His gs is possibly the single most important record we have for determining the origins of most of the Niagara District Felker families because his birth date can be confirmed exactly in German parish records. | Völckel Felker, Ludwig "Lewis" (I5746)
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| 4215 | His marriage at Colchester is the only known record of this person. | Treadway, Nathaniel (I7194)
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| 4216 | His mother's will in1655 left 10 shillings apiece to each of Samuel and Lydia's 7 children. They were not named, nor do we know the name of all of them. | Hicks, Samuel (I7512)
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| 4217 | His murder is discussed in the August 1936 edition of Master Detective Magazine. He and another man were victims during a Bay City bank robbery. | Debats, Martin L (I6522)
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| 4218 | His parents were members of the First Church of Salem. Samuel became a Quaker by 1657. | Gaskill, Samuel (I7358)
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| 4219 | His probate on americanancestors.org filed 11/3/1778. Filing dated 11/27/1783 states the widow Sarah is also deceased. | Ball, Sarah (I9122)
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| 4220 | His wife's identity is in question. It is said that he married twice, so some of the children may be allocated to different spouses. | Chase, William (I6437)
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| 4221 | http://avonhistory2008.com/DAR_Alpha/DAR_main_alpha.htm | Source (S258)
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| 4222 | http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~renee/Combined/combined/4231.htm | Brown, Susan Helen (I5122)
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| 4223 | http://ftp.rootsweb.com/pub/usgenweb/al/jackson/cemeteries/stevcity1.txt | Source (S385)
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| 4224 | http://genealogytrails.com/penn/columbia/deaths-s.html Newpaper obituary Star of the North, Bloomsburg, PA, Thursday, May 13, 1852 In Greenwood township, Columbia county, on Saturday morning May 1st, Mr. Daniel Shultz, aged about 86 years. The will of Daniel Shultz mentions "my seven children, namely, John, Philip, Samuel, James, Sarah, William and Isaac." | Shultz, Daniel (I6143)
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| 4225 | http://lthome.com/john-irish/war_heros_and_vetrans.htm Page 136 3458. Amos Irish b. in 1786 at Amenia, Dutchess County, N.Y. d. 6-15-1867, age 81 years. His Will was dated June 28, 1864. On his application #3682 for a pension for service in the War of 1812, he was granted a pension of $13.50. Probate packet # 687 Warren County, New York (accessible on familysearch.org img 617) lists heirs: Rhoda Irish-his widow-Queensbury, NY children: Priscilla Sheldon-Queensbury Hepsibeth Rich-Fort Ann Rebecca Ripley-Fort Ann Sidney B Irish-Fort Ann Dorothy Irish-Fort Ann Brazilla Irish-Hague, NY Laura Stiles- Potsdam, New york Uriah Irish-Ortonville, MI Polly Irish-Fairgrove, MI William W Irish-Fairgrove, MI | Irish, Amos (I6086)
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| 4226 | http://www.cityofrochester.gov/Finance/RecordsMangement/MarriageRecords/index.cfm?err=zero&CFID=21402476&CFTOKEN=3a57c43ecb019d61-66D8E16E-60CF-205B-57836E04DF867644 | Source (S62)
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| 4227 | http://www.co.genesee.mi.us/vitalrec/ | Source (S82)
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| 4228 | http://www.co.genesee.mi.us/vitalrec/ | Source (S185)
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| 4229 | http://www.ilsos.gov/GenealogyMWeb/deathsrch.html | Source (S441)
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| 4230 | http://www.jgenea.com/Ruttan_Farmily_History.html | Source (S789)
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| 4231 | http://www.kentarchaeology.org.uk/Research/01/ASH/01/00.htm | Source (S55)
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| 4232 | http://www.ludingtonmichigan.net/mason-cem.html | Source (S236)
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| 4233 | http://www.nbgs.ca/firstfamilies/FAMILY-L-2006.pdf | Source (S113)
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| 4234 | http://www.newenglandancestors.org/database_search/Simsbury_vr.asp | Source (S2)
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| 4235 | http://www.newenglandancestors.org/research/services/articles_7402.asp | Chaplin, Dorothy (I1592)
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| 4236 | http://www.online-ofb.de/famlist.php?ofb=werdorf&b=A&lang=de | Source (S277)
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| 4237 | http://www.ortsfamilienbuecher.de/famlist.php?ofb=werdorf&b=D&lang=de&modus= | Source (S195)
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| 4238 | http://www.ortsfamilienbuecher.de/werdorf/ | Source (S311)
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| 4239 | http://www.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~chalkley/ | Source (S144)
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| 4240 | http://www.rootsweb.com/~nymonroe/cem/ | Source (S182)
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| 4241 | http://www.russia-colonists.eu | Source (S368)
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| 4242 | http://www.sos.mo.gov/archives/resources/deathcertificates/#search | Source (S102)
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| 4243 | https://archive.org/details/somedescendantsof00rand | Source (S750)
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| 4244 | https://community.ebay.com/ | McCarn, Mary (I1659)
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| 4245 | https://familysearch.org/search/collection/2060668 | Source (S519)
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| 4246 | https://www.familysearch.org/library/books/records/item/432939-van-vranken-van-frank-genealogy?viewer=1&offset=0#page=3&viewer=picture&o=info&n=0&q= | Source (S779)
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| 4247 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Angoul%C3%AAme-40 BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS.ORG: Isabella d'Angoulême was born about 1188, daughter of Adhémar, Comte d'Angoulême, and Alix/Alide de Courtenay. Isabella was only twelve and engaged to Hugues 'le Brun' de Lusignan when King John of England became infatuated with her. Wanting her to be queen of England, her parents had the engagement annulled and allowed her to marry King John. Seven years later she gave birth to their first child, the future King Henry III, soon to be followed by two more children. However John was an unfaithful husband and Isabella's flirtations also caused disharmony between them. In 1212 John had Isabella locked up at Gloucester, but a year later they became reconciled and two more children were born. When John died in 1216 Isabella was at Gloucester with her children, and she immediately proclaimed their eldest son to be King Henry III. For safety against the French invaders she sent her younger son Richard to Ireland. In July 1217 she returned to France where she met her old fiancé, Hugues X 'le Brun' de Lusignan, who was by now engaged to Isabella's daughter Joan. However, as Joan was only ten years old and Hugues needed an heir soon, he married Isabella instead and they became the parents of five sons and at least three daughters. Henry III had not been consulted about his mother's remarriage, and even though he was only thirteen he deprived his mother of her dowry. It took a year before they were reconciled. In 1242 Hugues and Isabella were accused of plotting against the life of King Louis IX of France. Isabella attended the court but remained seated on her horse, and when she realised the hearing would go against her she rode off to take refuge in the abbey of Fontevraud. Although Hugues de Lusignan was able to placate the French king, Isabella remained at Fontevraud for the rest of her life, died and was bu | Angoulême, Isabella de Lusignan (I8083)
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| 4248 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Anjou-2 BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS.ORG Ermengarde-Girberge of Anjou, also called Ermengarde of Anjou, was the daughter of Geoffrey I, comte d'Anjou, and Adelais de Vermandois. She is called Ermengarde in northern (French) sources, but at least one early southern source calls her Girberge. Angevins were known to give daughters two names, as evidenced by her aunt, called Adelaide-Blanche. In 973 Ermengard-Girberge married Conon I 'le Tort', duc de Bretagne, son of Judicael Berengar, comte de Rennes. Of their four children, Geoffrey I and Judith would have progeny. Her husband Conon opposed her father and brother Foulques III even though the marriage was apparently designed for a political alliance between Anjou and Brittany. Even after Conon had been killed by Foulques at the second Battle of Conquereuil in 992, and during the period 992-994 when Ermengarde-Girberge was regent for their son Geoffrey, she remained loyal to her brother Foulques. In 992 following the interests of her brother, and functioning as regent, she accepted Capetian over-lordship for Rennes while rejecting that of Eudes I, comte de Blois. About 1000 her brother Foulques arranged for his widowed sister to marry secondly Guillaume IV Taillefer, comte d'Angoulême, one of his close allies, son of Arnauld Mancer, comte d'Angoulême, and his first wife Raingarde. They had about six sons of whom Geoffroy is recorded with progeny. The eldest son Alduin II married Alaisia de Gasçogne and had progeny, and a son Foulques also married, though the details are not recorded. Ermengarde-Girberge is thought to have died after 1 May 1041, though some sources suggest that she died about 1024. | Anjou, Ermengarde de Bretagne (I8061)
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| 4249 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Anjou-20 BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS.ORG: Geoffrey was born about 950, the son of Foulques II 'the Good', comte d'Anjou, and Gerberge de Tours. The _Chronicle of the Counts of Anjou_ describes him as 'stout-hearted and strong and most successful in battle' and tells of his single-handed victory against Ethelulf the Dane, a Goliath-like figure. He was known as Greygown after a witness to the contest picked him out at the French court by the colour of his robes. He was count of Anjou from 958 to 987, succeeding his father. He allied with the county of Nantes against the county of Rennes, and allied with Hugues Capet, fearing an invasion by the count of Blois. He was one of the men responsible for bringing Hugues to the throne of France. About 965 he married Adelais de Vermandois, daughter of Robert de Vermandois, comte de Meaux et Troyes and Adelheid/Wera de Bourgogne. Geoffrey and Adelais had a daughter Ermengarde, also known as Gerberge, who would have progeny with both her husbands Conon I 'le Tort', duc de Bretagne, and Guillaume IV Taillefer, comte d'Angoulême, and two sons of whom Geoffrey died young and his heir Foulques III 'Nera' who would have progeny. By an unnamed second wife Geoffrey also had a son Maurice who is not recorded with progeny. Geoffrey started by making his power-base the citadel of Angers strategically placing his _fideles_ (close followers) in key areas surrounding the city to protect his territories. The lands of the abbeys of Saint-Aubin and Saint-Serge in Angers provided the _beneficium_ (landed estates granted in feudal tenure) for his most faithful adherents. On this subject, which became the family's theme, Geoffrey advised both his sons Foulques and Maurice: 'No house is weak that has many friends. Therefore I admonish you to hold dear those _fideles_ who have been friends.' Although one of the principal methods of Angevin expansion was by the creation of family connections. Geoffrey exerted his control through various methods. His father had controlled Nantes through his second marriage to Adelaide, the widow of Alain II, duke of Brittany, and Geoffrey continued this by making Alain's illegitimate son Guisle, comte de Nantes, accept him as overlord. With an eye towards Maine, Geoffrey took advantage of the rift that developed between the counts of Maine and the viscounts and bishops of Le Mans. About 971 Geoffroy secured the see of Le Mans for his ally Bishop Seinfroy. In 973 Geoffrey had married his daughter Ermengarde-Gerberge to Conon I 'le Tort', duc de Bretagne, but Conon began to oppose Geoffrey and in 982 the two met at the first battle of Conquereuil with Geoffrey defeating Conon. Geoffrey had influence in Aquitaine through his sister Adelaide dite Blanche d'Anjou's first marriage to the powerful baron Etienne I de Brioude, count of Gévaudan and Forez, and after his death the lands were ruled by Adelaide-Blanche. His nephews Pons and Bertrande succeeded as counts there and his niece Almodis married Boso II, comte de La Marche et Périgord. In 975 Geoffrey had his brother Guy appointed count and bishop of Le Puy. In 982 Geoffrey married his now widowed sister Adelaide-Blanche to the fifteen-year-old Louis V of France, the two being crowned king and queen in Aquitaine. But the marriage to a woman thirty years Louis' senior failed as did Geoffrey's plans to control Aquitaine through his son-in-law. Through his first wife Adelais, Geoffrey for nearly a decade exerted control over the county of Châlons. Through the marriage of his son Foulques III to Elisabeth, the heiress of Vendôme, Geoffrey brought that county into the Angevin sphere of influence. Fortunately at this same time Geoffrey made his son Foulques his co-ruler since he died shortly thereafter on 21 July 987 while besieging the fortress of Marcon. | Anjou, Geoffrey I Comte d'Anjou (I8090)
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| 4250 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Anjou-7 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Geoffrey Plantagenet Duke of the Normans Count of Anjou, Maine and Mortain Count of Anjou Reign 1129 - 7 September 1151 Predecessor Fulk the Younger Successor Henry Curtmantle Born 24 August 1113 Died 7 September 1151 (aged 38) Château-du-Loir, France Burial Le Mans Cathedral, Le Mans Spouse Matilda of England (m. 1128) Issue Detail Henry II, King of England Geoffrey, Count of Nantes William, Viscount of Dieppe House Plantagenet (founder) Father Fulk, King of Jerusalem Mother Ermengarde, Countess of Maine Geoffrey V (24 August 1113 - 7 September 1151)-called the Handsome or the Fair (French: le Bel) and Plantagenet-was the Count of Anjou, Touraine, and Maine by inheritance from 1129 and then Duke of Normandy by conquest from 1144. By his marriage to the Empress Matilda, daughter and heiress of Henry I of England, Geoffrey had a son, Henry Curtmantle, who succeeded to the English throne as King Henry II (1154-1189) and was the first of the Plantagenet dynasty to rule England; the name "Plantagenet" was taken from Geoffrey's epithet. His ancestral domain of Anjou gave rise to the name Angevin for three kings of England (Henry II his son and heir, and Henry's sons Richard and John), and what became known as the Angevin Empire in the 12th century. Early life Geoffrey was the elder son of Fulk V of Anjou and Ermengarde of Maine. Geoffrey received his nickname from the yellow sprig of broom blossom (genêt is the French name for the planta genista, or broom shrub) he wore in his hat.[1]:9[2]:1[3] Geoffrey was described by the chronicler John of Marmoutier as handsome, red haired, jovial, and a great warrior.[4] King Henry I of England, having heard good reports on Geoffrey's talents and prowess, sent his royal legates to Anjou to negotiate a marriage between Geoffrey and his own daughter, Empress Matilda. Consent was obtained from both parties, and on 10 June 1128 the fifteen-year-old Geoffrey was knighted in Rouen by King Henry in preparation for the wedding. Marriage Geoffrey and Matilda's marriage took place in 1128. The marriage was meant to seal a peace between England/Normandy and Anjou. She was eleven years older than Geoffrey, and very proud of her status as Empress (as opposed to being a mere countess). Their marriage was a stormy one with frequent long separations but she bore him three sons and survived him.[1]:14-18 Count of Anjou The year after the marriage Geoffrey's father left for Jerusalem (where he was to become king), leaving Geoffrey behind as count of Anjou. When King Henry I died in 1135, Matilda at once entered Normandy to claim her inheritance. The border districts submitted to her, but England chose her cousin Stephen of Blois for its king, and Normandy soon followed suit. The following year, Geoffrey gave Ambrieres, Gorron, and Chatilon-sur-Colmont to Juhel de Mayenne, on condition that he help obtain the inheritance of Geoffrey's wife.[5] In 1139 Matilda landed in England with 140 knights, where she was besieged at Arundel Castle by King Stephen. In the "Anarchy" which ensued, Stephen was captured at Lincoln in February 1141, and imprisoned at Bristol.[6] A legatine council of the English church held at Winchester in April 1141 declared Stephen deposed and proclaimed Matilda "Lady of the English".[7] During 1142 and 1143, Geoffrey secured all of Normandy west and south of the Seine, and, on 14 January 1144, he crossed the Seine and entered Rouen. He assumed the title of Duke of Normandy in the summer of 1144. In 1144, he founded an Augustine priory at Château-l'Hermitage in Anjou.[8] Geoffrey held the duchy until 1149, when he and Matilda conjointly ceded it to their son, Henry, which cession was formally ratified by King Louis VII of France the following year.[9] Geoffrey also put down three baronial rebellions in Anjou, in 1129, 1135, and 1145-1151.[10] He was often at odds with his younger brother, Elias, whom he had imprisoned until Elias died in 1151. The threat of rebellion slowed his progress in Normandy, and is one reason he could not intervene in England. Geoffrey died later the same year, aged just 38, and Henry took his father’s place as Head of the Plantagenet House. In 1153, the Treaty of Wallingford stipulated that Stephen should remain King of England for life and that Henry, the son of Geoffrey and Matilda should succeed him, beginning the Plantagenet era in England.[11] Death North West France 1150 Geoffrey died suddenly on 7 September 1151. According to John of Marmoutier, Geoffrey was returning from a royal council when he was stricken with fever. He arrived at Château-du-Loir, collapsed on a couch, made bequests of gifts and charities, and died. His wife and sons outlived him. He was buried at St. Julien's Cathedral in Le Mans France, and Henry succeeded him as Duke of Normandy.[11] Children Geoffrey and Matilda's children were: Henry II of England (1133-1189), succeeded his father as head of Angevin Dynasty, had 8 children with Eleanor of Aquitaine, who became rulers of the Angevin Dynasty after their father. Geoffrey, Count of Nantes (1 June 1134 Rouen - 26 July 1158 Nantes) died unmarried and was buried in Nantes William, Viscount of Dieppe (1136-1164) died unmarried Geoffrey also had illegitimate children by an unknown mistress (or mistresses): Hamelin who married Isabel de Warenne, 4th Countess of Surrey; Emme, who married Dafydd Ab Owain Gwynedd, Prince of North Wales; and Mary, who became a nun and Abbess of Shaftesbury and who may be the poet Marie de France. Adelaide of Angers is sometimes sourced as being the mother of Hamelin.[11] | Anjou, Geoffrey Plantagenet the Fair (I7997)
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| 4251 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Aquitaine-84 | Aquitaine, Eleanor of Aquitaine (I8085)
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| 4252 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Arnulfing-1 BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS.ORG: Ansegisel was born about 610, the son of the powerful Austrasian nobleman Arnulf, bishop of Metz. Ansegisel served King Sigbert III of Austrasia (634-656) as a duke (Latin _dux_, a military leader). Ansegisel's brother Chlodulf became bishop of Metz. Some time after 639 Ansegisel married Begga, the daughter of Pippin 'the Elder', also a powerful Austrasian nobleman and lifelong friend of Arnulf of Metz. They had several children of whom their son Pippin II is known to have progeny. Ansegisel was killed in a feud sometime after 675 but before 679, by his enemy Gundewin. Begga lived until 693. | Arnulfing, Ansegisel Metz (I8073)
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| 4253 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Arundell-19 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Sir John Arundell VII Born circa 1421 Bideford, Devon Died 1473 Lanherne, Cornwall Noble family Arundell of Lanherne Spouse(s) 1st, Elizabeth de Morley 2nd, Katherine Chideocke Issue Anne Arundell, Lady Tyrrell Catherine Arundell Elizabeth Arundell, Baroness Daubeney Thomasine Arundell, Baroness Marney Margaret Arundell, Lady Capel Ellen Arundell Dorothy Arundell Jane Arundell Sir Thomas Arundell Father Sir John Arundell Mother Margaret Burghersh Occupation Sheriff of Cornwall Sir John Arundell, born in Bideford, Devon in about 1421, son of John Arundell, Esq. by Margaret Burghersh, widow of Sir John Grenveville and daughter of Sir John Burghersh.[1] He became the largest free tenant in Cornwall. He was Sheriff of Cornwall and admiral of Cornwall, and a general for Henry VI in his French wars, but was attainted in 1483.[2] Career He was knighted by Edward IV in 1463 and fought at the Battle of Tewkesbury in 1471.[3] Ancestry Ancestors of John Arundell (1421-1473) Marriage and issue He married, firstly, Elizabeth de Morley, daughter of Thomas de Morley, 5th Baron Morley. They had one child; Anne Arundell, who married Sir James Tyrrell, best known for allegedly confessing to the murders of the Princes in the Tower under the orders of King Richard III of England. He married secondly, Katherine Chideocke, the widow of William Stafford, on 5 March 1451. They had eight children; Catherine Arundell Elizabeth Arundell (m. Giles Daubeney, 1st Baron Daubeney) Thomasine Arundell (m. Sir Henry Marney, KG, 1st Baron Marney of Leyre-Marney) Margaret Arundell (m. Sir William Capel, Lord Mayor of London) Ellen Arundell Dorothy Arundell Jane Arundell Sir Thomas Arundell John Arundell died in November 1473 at Lanherne, in Cornwall. | Arundell, Margaret (I7898)
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| 4254 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Bayern-62 | von Herstal, Plectrudis (Bayern) (I8184)
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| 4255 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Bohun-3 From Wikipedia: Humphrey (VII) de Bohun, 4th Earl of Hereford (1276 - 16 March 1322) was a member of a powerful Anglo-Norman family of the Welsh Marches and was one of the Ordainers who opposed Edward II's excesses. Humphrey (VII) de Bohun succeeded his father in 1298 as Earl of Hereford and Earl of Essex, and Constable of England (later called Lord High Constable). Humphrey held the title of Bearer of the Swan Badge, a heraldic device passed down in the Bohun family. This device did not appear on their coat of arms, (az, a bend ar cotised or, between 6 lioncels or) nor their crest (gu, doubled erm, a lion gardant crowned), but it does appear on Humphrey's personal seal (illustration). Humphrey was one of several earls and barons under Edward I who laid siege to Caerlaverock Castle in Scotland in 1300 and later took part in many campaigns in Scotland. He also loved tourneying and gained a reputation as an "elegant" fop. In one of the campaigns in Scotland Humphrey evidently grew bored and departed for England to take part in a tournament along with Piers Gaveston and other young barons and knights. On return all of them fell under Edward I's wrath for desertion, but were forgiven. It is probable that Gaveston's friend, the future Edward II, had given them permission to depart. Later Humphrey became one of Gaveston's and Edward II's bitterest opponents. He would also have been associating with young Robert Bruce during the early campaigns in Scotland, since Bruce, like many other Scots and Border men, moved back and forth from English allegiance to Scottish. Robert Bruce is closely connected to the Bohuns. Between the time that he swore his last fealty to Edward I in 1302 and his defection four years later, Bruce stayed for the most part in Annandale, rebuilding his castle of Lochmaben in stone, making use of its natural moat. Rebelling and taking the crown of Scotland in February 1306, Bruce was forced to fight a war against England which went poorly for him at first, while Edward I still lived. After nearly all his family were killed or captured he went into hiding. His properties in England and Scotland were confiscated. Humphrey de Bohun received many of Robert Bruce's forfeited properties. It is unknown whether Humphrey was a long-time friend or enemy of Robert Bruce, but they were nearly the same age and the lands of the two families in Essex and Middlesex lay very close to each other. After Bruce's defeats, Humphrey took Lochmaben, and Edward I awarded him Annandale and the castle. During this period of chaos, when Bruce's queen, Elizabeth de Burgh, daughter of the Earl of Ulster, was captured by Edward I and taken prisoner, Hereford and his wife Elizabeth became her custodians. She was exchanged for Humphrey after Bannockburn in 1314. Lochmaben was retaken by the Scots in 1312 and remained in Scottish hands until 1333 when it was once more seized by the English. It remained in the hands of Humphrey's son William, Earl of Northampton, who held and defended it until his death in 1360. Scots retook Lochmaben in 1385. Some Bohuns remained in Scotland, where they became known as the Bounds. At the Battle of Bannockburn (23-24 June 1314), Humphrey de Bohun should have been given command of the army because that was his responsibility as Constable of England. However, since the execution of Piers Gaveston in 1312 Humphrey had been out of favour with Edward II, who gave the Constableship for the 1314 campaign to the youthful and inexperienced Earl of Gloucester, Gilbert de Clare. Nevertheless, on the first day, de Bohun insisted on being one of the first to lead the cavalry charge. In the melee and cavalry rout between the Bannock Burn and the Scots' camp he was not injured although his rash young cousin Henry de Bohun, who could have been no older than about 22, charged alone at Robert Bruce and was killed by Bruce's axe. On the second day, Gloucester was killed at the start of the battle. Hereford fought throughout the day, leading a large company of Welsh and English knights and archers. The archers who might have had success at breaking up the Scots schiltrons were attacked and overrun by the Scots cavalry. When the battle was lost Bohun retreated with the Earl of Angus and several other barons, knights and men to Bothwell Castle, seeking a safe haven. However, all the refugees who entered the castle were taken prisoner by its formerly pro-English governor Walter fitz Gilbert who, like many Lowland knights, declared for Bruce as soon as word came of the Scottish King's victory. Humphrey de Bohun was ransomed by Edward II, his brother-in-law, on the pleading of his wife Isabella. This was one of the most interesting ransoms in English history. The Earl was traded for Bruce's queen, Elizabeth de Burgh and daughter, Marjorie Bruce, two bishops amongst other important Scots captives in England. Isabella MacDuff, Countess of Buchan, who had crowned Robert Bruce in 1306 and for years had been locked in a cage outside Berwick, was not included; presumably, she had died in captivity.[1] Like his father, grandfather, and great-great-grandfather, this Humphrey de Bohun was careful to insist that the king obey Magna Carta and other baronially established safeguards against monarchic tyranny. He was a leader of the reform movements that promulgated the Ordinances of 1311 and fought to insure their execution. The subsequent revival of royal authority and the growing ascendancy of the Despensers (Hugh the elder and younger) led de Bohun and other barons to rebel against the king again in 1322. De Bohun had special reason for opposing the Despensers, for he had lost some of his estates in the Welsh Marches to their rapacity and he felt they had besmirched his honour. In 1316 De Bohun had been ordered to lead the suppression of the revolt of Llywelyn Bren in Glamorgan which he did successfully. When Llewelyn surrendered to him the Earl promised to intercede for him and fought to have him pardoned. Instead Hugh the younger Despenser had Llewelyn executed without a proper trial. Hereford and the other marcher lords used Llywelyn Bren's death as a symbol of Despenser tyranny. The rebel forces were halted by loyalist troops at the wooden bridge at Boroughbridge, Yorkshire, where Humphrey de Bohun, leading an attempt to storm the bridge, met his death on 16 March 1322. Although the details have been called into question by a few historians, his death may have been particularly gory. As recounted by Ian Mortimer:[2] "[The 4th Earl of] Hereford led the fight on the bridge, but he and his men were caught in the arrow fire. Then one of de Harclay's pikemen, concealed beneath the bridge, thrust upwards between the planks and skewered the Earl of Hereford through the anus, twisting the head of the iron pike into his intestines. His dying screams turned the advance into a panic."' Humphrey de Bohun may have contributed to the failure of the reformers' aims. There is evidence that he suffered for some years, especially after his countess's death in 1316, from clinical depression.[3] His marriage to Elizabeth of Rhuddlan (Elizabeth Plantagenet), daughter of King Edward I of England and his first wife, Eleanor of Castile, on 14 November 1302, at Westminster gained him the lands of Berkshire. Elizabeth had an unknown number of children, probably ten, by Humphrey de Bohun. Until the earl's death the boys of the family, and possibly the girls, were given a classical education under the tutelage of a Sicilian Greek, Master "Digines" (Diogenes), who may have been Humphrey de Bohun's boyhood tutor.[citation needed] He was evidently well-educated, a book collector and scholar, interests his son Humphrey and daughter Margaret (Courtenay) inherited. Margaret de Bohun (born 1302 - died 7 Feb. 1304).[4] Humphrey de Bohun (born c. Oct. 1303 - died c. Oct. 1304).[5] Eleanor de Bohun (17 October 1304 - 1363),[6] married James Butler, 1st Earl of Ormonde and Thomas Dagworth, 1st Baron Dagworth. John de Bohun, 5th Earl of Hereford (About 1307 - 1336) Humphrey de Bohun, 6th Earl of Hereford (About 1309 to 1311 - 1361). Margaret de Bohun (3 April 1311 - 16 December 1391), married Hugh Courtenay, 2nd Earl of Devon. Gave birth to about 16 to 18 children (including an archbishop, a sea commander and pirate, and more than one Knight of the Garter) and died at the age of eighty. William de Bohun, 1st Earl of Northampton (About 1310-1312 -1360). Twin of Edward. Married Elizabeth de Badlesmere, daughter of Bartholomew de Badlesmere, 1st Baron Badlesmere and Margaret de Clare, by whom he had issue. Edward de Bohun (About 1310-1312 -1334). Twin of William. Married Margaret, daughter of William de Ros, 2nd Baron de Ros, but they had no children. He served in his ailing elder brother's stead as Constable of England. He was a close friend of young Edward III, and died a heroic death attempting to rescue a drowning man-at-arms from a Scottish river while on campaign. Eneas de Bohun, (Birth date unknown, died after 1322, when he's mentioned in his father's will). Nothing known of him. Isabel de Bohun (b. ? May 1316). Elizabeth died in childbirth, and this child died on that day or very soon after. Buried with her mother in Waltham Abbey, Essex. | de Bohun, Humphrey (I8068)
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| 4256 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Bretagne-24 BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS: Judith was born in Brittany about 982, the daughter of Conon I 'le Tort', duc de Bretagne, and Ermengarde d'Anjou. About the year 1000 she became the first wife of Richard II 'the Good', duke of Normandy, son of Richard I 'the Fearless', duke of Normandy, and his wife Gunnor. They had six children of whom four would have progeny, including Richard III and Robert, known as 'the Devil', who would both be dukes of Normandy. About 1010 Judith founded the abbey of Bernay, thanks to a dower from her husband during their marriage. She died in Normandy on 17 June 1017, and was buried in the abbey she had founded. Since the Revolution her grave remains in the Church of Notre Dame de la Couture in Bernay. | Bretagne, Judith (I8096)
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| 4257 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Camville-6 | Camville, Idoine de Longespee (I7962)
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| 4258 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Capell-155 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Sir William Capel (c. 1446 - 1515) was the son of John Capell (1398-1449) of Stoke-by-Nayland, Suffolk. He became Lord Mayor of London and was an MP. Sir William was a member of the Worshipful Company of Drapers, who served as Sheriff of the City of London for 1496, and was elected Lord Mayor in 1503. He was elected a member of Parliament for the City of London, from 1511 to 1515.[1] Hadham Hall, Hertfordshire His mansion stood on the current site of the London Stock Exchange and No. 3 Capel Court, in the city of London, and is named for him. He added a south chapel to the church of St Bartholomew-by-the-Exchange. William also purchased the old Hadham Hall in Little Hadham, Hertfordshire, and its estate would remain in the Capell family from many generations. A new hall was later built there, although it is uncertain whether it was built on the site of the old hall or a new site, which later became the family seat for the Capell family, from the 1570s onwards. Sir William married Margaret Arundell, daughter of Sir John Arundell of Lanherne (1421-1473) by his second wife, Katherine Chideocke. They had a son, Giles, and two daughters. Their daughter, Elizabeth Capell, was the first wife of William Paulet, 1st Marquess of Winchester. | Capell, Sir William (I7863)
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| 4259 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Capell-36 | Capel, Margaret (I7897)
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| 4260 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Carolingian-119 BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS.ORG: Bernhard was born in Vermandois, Normandy, about 797, the son of Pippin I, king of Italy; some sources indicate that he was illegitimate. When his father died in 810 from an illness contracted at a siege of Venice, his grandfather Charlemagne allowed Bernhard to inherit Italy, but the empire went to Pippin's younger brother Louis 'the Pious'. About 814 Bernhard married Kunigund of Laon. They had a son Pippin, who would have progeny. Prior to 817 Bernhard was a trusted agent of his grandfather and then of his uncle Louis 'the Pious', emperor from 814. Bernhard's rights to Italy were respected, and he was used as an intermediary to manage events in his sphere of influence - for example, when in 815 Louis received reports that some Roman nobles had conspired to murder Pope Leo III, and that he had responded by butchering the ringleaders, Bernhard was sent to investigate the matter. A change came in 817, when Louis 'the Pious' drew up an _Ordinatio Imperii_ detailing the future of the Frankish empire. Under this, the bulk of the Frankish territory went to Louis' eldest son Lothar I; Bernhard received no further territory, and although his kingship of Italy was confirmed, he would be a vassal of Lothar. This was, it was later alleged, the work of the empress Irmengard, who wished Bernhard to be displaced in favour of her own sons. Resenting Louis' actions, Bernhard began plotting with a group of magnates: Eggideo, Reginhard and Reginhar, the last the grandson of a Thuringian rebel against Charlemagne, Hardrad. Anselm, bishop of Milan, and Theodulf, bishop of Orléans, were also accused of being involved; there is no evidence either to support or contradict this in the case of Theodulf, while the case for Anselm is murkier. Bernhard's main complaint was the notion of being a vassal of Lothar. In practical terms his actual position had not been altered at all by the terms of the decree, and he could safely have continued to rule under such a system. Nonetheless, reports came to Louis 'the Pious' that his nephew was planning to set up an independent regime in Italy. Louis reacted swiftly to the plot, marching south to Châlons. Bernhard and his associates were taken by surprise; Bernhard travelled to Châlons in an attempt to negotiate terms, but he and the ringleaders were forced to surrender to Louis. He had them taken to Aix-la-Chapelle, where they were tried and condemned to death. Louis commuted their sentences to blinding, which would neutralise Bernhard as a threat without actually killing him; however, the process of blinding (carried out by means of pressing a red-hot stiletto to the eyeballs) proved so traumatic that Bernhard died in agony two days later, on 17 April 818. At the same time, Louis also had his half-brothers Drogo, Hugo and Dietrich tonsured and confined to monasteries, to prevent other Carolingian off-shoots challenging the main line. He also treated those guilty or suspected of conspiring with Bernhard harshly: Theodulf, bishop of Orléans, was imprisoned and died soon afterwards; the lay conspirators were blinded, the clerics deposed and imprisoned; all lost lands and honours. Bernhard's kingdom of Italy was reabsorbed into the Frankish empire, and soon after bestowed upon Louis' eldest son Lothar. In 822 Louis made a display of public penance at Attigny, where he confessed before all the court to having sinfully slain his nephew; he also welcomed his half-brothers back into his favour (Drogo became an archbishop and bishop of Metz; and Hugo became abbot of St. Quentin de Monte near Péronne, and Louis' chancellor). These actions possibly stemmed from guilt over his part in Bernhard's death. It has been argued by some historians that his behaviour left him open to clerical domination, and reduced his prestige and respect among the Frankish nobility. Others, however, point out that Bernhard's plot had been a serious threat to the stability of the kingdom, and the reaction no less a threat; Louis' display of penance, then 'was a well-judged gesture to restore harmony and re-establish his authority.' | Carolingian, Bernhard King of Italy (I8084)
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| 4261 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Carolingian-77 BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS.ORG: Charles was born about 747, the son of Pippin 'the Short', king of the Franks, and his wife Bertrada. He came to be known as Charles The Great or Charlemagne for good reasons. His long reign changed the face of Europe politically and culturally, and he himself would remain in the minds of people in the Middle Ages as the ideal king. Many historians have taken his reign to be the true beginning of the Middle Ages. Yet in terms of territorial expansion and consolidation, of Church reform and entanglement with Rome, Charlemagne's reign merely brought the policies of his father Pippin to their logical conclusions. Charlemagne became the subject of the first medieval biography of a layman, written by Einhard, one of his courtiers. Using as his literary model, the word portrait by Suetonius of the Emperor Augustus, Einhard described Charlemagne's appearance, his dress, his eating and drinking habits, his religious practices and intellectual interests, giving us a vivid if not perhaps entirely reliable picture of the Frankish monarch. He was strong, tall, and healthy, and ate moderately. He loved exercise: riding and hunting, and perhaps more surprising, swimming. Einhard tells us that he chose Aachen as the site for his palace because of its hot springs, and that he bathed there with his family, friends and courtiers. He spoke and read Latin as well as his native Frankish, and could understand Greek and even speak it a little. He learned grammar, rhetoric, and mathematics from the learned clerics he gathered around him, but although he kept writing-tablets under his pillow for practice (he used to wake up several times in the night) he never mastered the art of writing. He was able to make such a mark upon European history because he was a tireless and remarkably successful general. He concluded Pippin's wars with Aquitaine, and proclaimed his son Louis king in 781; the one serious defeat he suffered was in these wars, at Roncevaux in the Pyrenees, a defeat one day immortalised in 'The Song of Roland' and later 'chansons de geste'. He added Saxony to his realm after years of vicious campaigning. Towards the end of his reign he moved against the Danes. He destroyed the kingdom of the Avars in Hungary. He subdued the Bretons, the Bavarians, and various Slav people. In the south he began the reconquest of Spain from the Arabs and established the Spanish March in the northeast of the peninsula. But perhaps his most significant campaigns were south of the Alps, in Italy. Pope Hadrian appealed to Charlemagne for help against Desiderius of the Lombards. The campaign in the winter of 773-4 was short and decisive. Desiderius was exiled, and Charlemagne, 'King of the Franks', added 'and the Lombards' to his title. Later he appointed his son Pepin as King of Italy. Popes were still not free of all their enemies. In 799 a rival party of Roman aristocrats ambushed Leo III, intending to gouge out his eyes and cut off his tongue. Leo fled to Charlemagne, who was at Paderborn preparing for another war against the Saxons. Charlemagne ordered Leo III to be restored, and in 800 he came to Rome himself. On Christmas Day 800, in St. Peter's, Pope Leo III crowned Charlemagne Emperor of the Romans. Charlemagne married three times. In 769 he married a daughter of Desiderius, king of The Longobards. They had no progeny and were divorced in early 771. On 30 April that year he married Hildegardis, daughter of Gerold I, count in the Kraichgau and Vintzgau, and his wife Imma/Emma. They had nine children, of whom Pippin I, Louis I, Rotrud and Bertha would have progeny. Hildegardis died in 783, and later that year he married Fastrada, with whom he had two daughters of whom Hiltrud would have progeny. He also had children by several mistresses, including Drogo and Hugo by a mistress Regina, who would both become distinguished churchmen, Drogo becoming archbishop and bishop of Metz, and Hugo becoming abbot of St. Quintin and chancellor to his half-brother Emperor Louis 'the Pious'. Charlemagne died at Aachen on 28 January 814, and was succeeded by his son Louis. | Carolingian, Charlemagne Holy Roman Emperor (I8088)
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| 4262 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Carolingian-85 BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS.ORG: Pippin was born about 777, the second son of Emperor Charlemagne and his wife Hildegarde. He was born Karlmann, but when his half-brother Pippin 'der Bucklige' (the Hunchback) betrayed their father, the royal name Pippin passed to him. He was christened in Rome by Pope Adrian I on 12 April 781, and was made king of Italy after his father's conquest of the Lombards that year, after which Pippin was crowned by Pope Adrian I with the Iron Crown of Lombardy. He was active as ruler of Italy and worked to expand the Frankish empire. In 791 he marched a Lombard army into the Drava valley and ravaged Pannonia, while his father marched along the Danube into Avar territory. Charlemagne left the campaigning to deal with a Saxon revolt in 792. Pippin and Duke Eric of Friuli continued, however, to assault the Avars' ring-shaped strongholds. The great Ring of the Avars, their capital fortress, was taken twice. The booty was sent to Charlemagne in Aachen and distributed to all his followers and even to foreign rulers, including King Offa of Mercia. About 795 Pippin married a lady possibly called Bertha, whose ancestry is not known from any reliable source although spuriously she has been called the daughter of St. Guilhem, comte de Toulouse. Pippin and Bertha had five daughters four of whom did not have progeny. The fifth daughter, Adalhaid (Adelaide) married Lambert I of Nantes. He also had a son Bernhard who would have progeny; some sources identify him as illegitimate. A celebrated poem, _De Pippine regis Victoria Avarica,_ was composed after Pippin forced the Avar Khagan to submit in 796. The poem was composed at Verona, Pippin's capital after 799 and the centre of Carolingian Renaissance literature in Italy. The _Versus de Verona_ (written about 800), a formal eulogy to the city, likewise praises King Pippin. Pippin's activities included a long siege of Venice in 810. The siege lasted six months and Pippin's army was ravaged by the diseases of the local swamps and was forced to withdraw. A few months later Pippin died on 8 July 810. He was expected to inherit a third of his father's empire, but he predeceased his father. When Pippin died the Italian crown passed to his son Bernhard, but the empire went to Pippin's younger brother Louis 'the Pious'. | Carolingian, Pippin I Carloman King of Italy (I8086)
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| 4263 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Castilla-85 From Wikipedia: Eleanor of Castile (1241 - 28 November 1290) was an English queen consort, the first wife of Edward I, whom she married as part of a political deal to affirm English sovereignty over Gascony. The marriage was known to be particularly close, and Eleanor travelled extensively with her husband. She was with him on the Ninth Crusade, when he was wounded at Acre, but the popular story of her saving his life by sucking out the poison has long been discredited. When she died, at Harby near Lincoln, her grieving husband famously ordered a stone cross to be erected at each stopping-place on the journey to London, ending at Charing Cross. Eleanor was better educated than most medieval queens and exerted a strong cultural influence on the nation. She was a keen patron of literature, and encouraged the use of tapestries, carpets and tableware in the Spanish style, as well as innovative garden designs. She was also a successful businesswoman, endowed with her own fortune as Countess of Ponthieu. | Castile, Eleanor of Castile (I8071)
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| 4264 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Chalon-53 | Chalon, Adelaide Werra de Vermandois (I8192)
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| 4265 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Dunkeld-79 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Queen consort of England Tenure 11 November 1100 - 1 May 1118 Coronation 11 November 1100 Born c. 1080 Dunfermline, Scotland Died 1 May 1118 (aged c. 38) Westminster Palace Burial Westminster Abbey Spouse Henry I of England (m. 1100) Matilda, Holy Roman Empress William Adelin House Dunkeld Father Malcolm III of Scotland Mother Saint Margaret of Scotland Matilda of Scotland (c. 1080 - 1 May 1118), originally christened Edith,[1] was Queen of England as the first wife of King Henry I. She acted as regent of England in the absence of her spouse on several occasions. Matilda was the daughter of the English princess Saint Margaret and the Scottish king Malcolm III. She was descended from Alfred the Great. At the age of about six Matilda was sent with her sister to be educated in a convent in southern England, where her aunt Cristina was abbess. It is not clear if she spent much time in Scotland thereafter. In 1093, when she was about 13, she was engaged to an English nobleman when her father and brother Edward were killed in a minor raid into England, and her mother died soon after; her fiancé then abandoned the proposed marriage. In Scotland a messy succession conflict followed between Matilda's uncle Donald III, her half-brother Duncan II and brother Edgar until 1097. Matilda's whereabouts during this no doubt difficult period are uncertain. But after the suspicious death of William II of England in 1100 and accession of his brother Henry I, Matilda's prospects improved. Henry moved quickly to propose to her. It is said that he already knew and admired her, and she may indeed have spent time at the English court. Edgar was now secure on the Scottish throne, offering the prospect of better relations between the two countries, and Matilda also had the considerable advantage of Anglo-Saxon royal blood, which the Norman dynasty largely lacked.[2] There was a difficulty about the marriage; a special church council was called to be satisfied that Matilda had not taken vows as a nun, which her emphatic testimony managed to convince them of. Matilda and Henry married in late 1100. They had two children who reached adulthood and two more who died young. Matilda led a literary and musical court, but was also pious. She was "a women of exceptional holiness, in piety her mother's rival, and in her own character exempt from all evil influence."[3] She embarked on building projects for the church, and took a role in government when her husband was away; many surviving charters are signed by her. Matilda lived to see her daughter Matilda become Holy Roman Empress but died two years before the drowning of her son William. Henry remarried, but had no further legitimate children, which caused a succession crisis known as The Anarchy. Matilda is buried in Westminster Abbey and was fondly remembered by her subjects as "Matilda the Good Queen" and "Matilda of Blessed Memory". There was an attempt to have her canonized, which was not pursued. Early life Matilda was born around 1080 in Dunfermline, the daughter of the Scottish king Malcolm III and the Anglo-Saxon princess Saint Margaret. She was christened Edith, with the Anglo-Norman prince Robert Curthose standing as godfather at the ceremony. The English queen Matilda of Flanders was also present at the baptismal font and served as her godmother. Edith pulled at Queen Matilda's headdress, which was seen as an omen that the infant would be queen one day.[4] The Life of St Margaret, Queen of Scotland was later written for Matilda possibly by Turgot of Durham. It refers to her childhood and her relationship with her mother. In it, Margaret is described as a strict but loving mother. She did not spare the rod when it came to raising her children in virtue, which the author presupposed was the reason for the good behaviour Matilda and her siblings displayed, and Margaret also stressed the importance of piety.[5] When she was about six years old, Edith and her sister Mary were sent to Romsey Abbey, near Southampton in southern England, where their maternal aunt Cristina was abbess. During her stay at Romsey and, some time before 1093, at Wilton Abbey, both institutions known for learning,[6] the Scottish princess was much sought-after as a bride; refusing proposals from William de Warenne, 2nd Earl of Surrey, and Alan Rufus, Lord of Richmond. Hériman of Tournai claimed that William Rufus considered marrying her. Her education went beyond the standard feminine pursuits. This was not surprising as her mother was a great lover of books. Her daughters learned English, French, and some Latin, and were sufficiently literate to read St. Augustine and the Bible.[7] In 1093, her parents betrothed Edith to Alan Rufus, Lord of Richmond, one of her numerous suitors. However, before the marriage took place, her father entered into a dispute with William Rufus. In response, he marauded the English king's lands where he was surprised by Robert de Mowbray, Earl of Northumbria and killed along with his son, Edward. Upon hearing of her husband and son's death, Queen Margaret died on 16 November. Edith was now an orphan. She was abandoned by her betrothed who ran off with a daughter of Harold Godwinson, Gunhild of Wessex. However, he died before they could be married.[8] Edith had left the monastery by 1093, when Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, wrote to the Bishop of Salisbury ordering that the daughter of the King of Scotland be returned to the monastery that she had left. She did not return to Wilton and until 1100, is largely unaccounted for in chronicles.[9] Marriage After William II's death in the New Forest in August 1100, his brother, Henry, immediately seized the royal treasury and crown. His next task was to marry and Henry's choice was Matilda. Because Matilda had spent most of her life in a convent, there was some controversy over whether she was a nun and thus canonically ineligible for marriage. During her time at Romsey Abbey, her maternal aunt Cristina, forced her to wear the veil. Henry sought permission for the marriage from Archbishop Anselm, who returned to England in September 1100 after a long exile. Professing himself unwilling to decide so weighty a matter on his own, Anselm called a council of bishops in order to determine the canonical legality of the proposed marriage. Matilda testified that she had never taken holy vows, insisting that her parents had sent her and her sister to England for educational purposes, and her aunt Cristina had veiled her to protect her "from the lust of the Normans." Matilda claimed she had pulled the veil off and stamped on it, and her aunt beat and scolded her for this act. The council concluded that Matilda was not a nun, never had been and her parents had not intended that she become one, giving their permission for the marriage. Matilda and Henry seem to have known one another for some time before their marriage - William of Malmesbury states that Henry had "long been attached" to her, and Orderic Vitalis says that Henry had "long adored" her character. It is possible that Matilda had spent some time at William Rufus's court and that the pair had met there. It is also possible Henry was introduced to his bride by his teacher Bishop Osmund. Whatever the case, it is clear that the two at least knew each other prior to their wedding. Additionally, the chronicler William of Malmesbury suggests that the new king loved his bride.[10] Matilda's mother was the sister of Edgar the Ætheling, proclaimed but uncrowned King of England after Harold, and, through her mother, Matilda was descended from Edmund Ironside and thus from the royal family of Wessex, which in the 10th century had become the royal family of a united England. This was extremely important because although Henry had been born in England, he needed a bride with ties to the ancient Wessex line to increase his popularity with the English and to reconcile the Normans and Anglo-Saxons.[11] In their children, the two factions would be united, further unifying the new regime. Another benefit was that England and Scotland became politically closer; three of Matilda's brothers became kings of Scotland in succession and were unusually friendly towards England during this period of unbroken peace between the two nations: Alexander I married Sybilla, one of Henry I's illegitimate daughters, and David I lived at Henry's court for some time before his accession.[12] Matilda had a small dower but it did incorporate some lordship rights. Most of her dower estates were granted from lands previously held by Edith of Wessex. Additionally, Henry made numerous grants on his wife including substantial property in London. Generosity aside, this was a political move in order to win over the unruly Londoners who were vehement supporters of the Wessex kings.[13] Queen After Matilda and Henry were married on 11 November 1100 at Westminster Abbey by Archbishop Anselm of Canterbury, she was crowned as "Matilda," a hallowed Norman name. By courtiers, however, she and her husband were soon nicknamed 'Godric and Godiva'.[14] These two names were typical English names from before The Conquest and mocked their more rustic style, especially when compared to the flamboyance of William II. Matilda gave birth to a daughter, Matilda, born in February 1102, and a son, William, called "Adelin", in November 1103. As queen, she resided primarily at Westminster, but accompanied her husband on his travels around England, and, circa 1106-1107, probably visited Normandy with him. Matilda was the designated head of Henry's curia and acted as regent during his frequent absences.[15] During the English investiture controversy (1103-07), Matilda acted as intercessor between her husband and archbishop Anselm. She wrote several letters during Anselm's absence, first asking him for advice and to return, but later increasingly to mediate.[16] Works Matilda had great interest in architecture and instigated the building of many Norman-style buildings, including Waltham Abbey and Holy Trinity Aldgate.[17] She also had the first arched bridge in England built, at Stratford-le-Bow, as well as a bathhouse with piped-in water and public lavatories at Queenhithe.[18] Matilda's court was filled with musicians and poets; she commissioned a monk, possibly Thurgot, to write a biography of her mother, Saint Margaret. She was an active queen and, like her mother, was renowned for her devotion to religion and the poor. William of Malmesbury describes her as attending church barefoot at Lent, and washing the feet and kissing the hands of the sick. Matilda exhibited a particular interest in leprosy, founding at least two leper hospitals, including the institution that later became the parish church of St Giles-in-the-Fields.[19] She also administered extensive dower properties and was known as a patron of the arts, especially music. Matilda was patroness of the monk Bendeit's version of The Voyage of Saint Brendan, written around 1106-1118.[20] Death After Matilda died on 1 May 1118 at Westminster Palace, she was buried at Westminster Abbey. The death of her son, William Adelin, in the disaster of the White Ship (November 1120) and Henry's failure to produce a legitimate son from his second marriage led to the succession crisis of The Anarchy. Legacy After her death, Matilda was remembered by her subjects as "Matilda the Good Queen" and "Matilda of Blessed Memory", and for a time sainthood was sought for her, though she was never canonized. Matilda is also thought to be the identity of the "Fair Lady" mentioned at the end of each verse in the nursery rhyme London Bridge Is Falling Down. The post-Norman conquest English monarchs to the present day are related to the Anglo-Saxon House of Wessex monarchs via Matilda of Scotland as she was the great-granddaughter of King Edmund Ironside; see House of Wessex family tree. Issue Euphemia (July/August 1101), died young. Matilda of England ( c. 7 February 1102 - 10 September 1167), Holy Roman Empress, Countess consort of Anjou, called Lady of the English William Adelin, (5 August 1103 - 25 November 1120), sometimes called Duke of Normandy, who married Matilda (d.1154), daughter of Fulk V, Count of Anjou. Elizabeth (August/September 1104), died young Appearance and character "It causes pleasure to see the queen whom no woman equals in beauty of body or face, hiding her body, nevertheless, in a veil of loose clothing. Here alone, with new modesty, wishes to conceal it, but what gleams with its own light cannot be hidden and the sun, penetrating his clouds, hurls his rays." She also had "fluent, honeyed speech." From a poem of Marbodius of Rennes. | Dunkeld, MatildaEadgith of Scotland (I8000)
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| 4266 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Falaise-2 BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS.ORG: Herleve, also known as Herleva, Harlette, Arlette, Arletta and Arlotte, was born about the year 1000. She was the mother of William I of England. She had two further sons, Eudes of Bayeux and Robert, comte de Mortain, who became prominent in William's realm. The background of Herleve and the circumstances of William's birth are shrouded in mystery. The written evidence dates from a generation or two later, and it is not entirely consistent. The most commonly accepted version says that she was the daughter of a tanner named Fulbert from the small Norman town of Falaise, where they lived. Translation being somewhat uncertain, Fulbert may instead have been a furrier, embalmer, apothecary, or a person who laid out corpses for burial. It is argued by some that Herleve's father was not any of these, but rather a member of the burgher class. The idea is supported by the fact that her brothers appear in a later document as attesters for an under-age William. Also, the count of Flanders later accepted Herleve as a proper guardian for his own daughter. Both facts would be nearly impossible if the father (and therefore the brothers) of Herleve was little more than a peasant. According to one legend, still recounted by tour guides at Falaise, Herleve's relationship to Robert started when he, the young Duke of Normandy saw her from the roof of his castle tower. The walkway on the roof still looks down on the dyeing trenches cut into stone in the courtyard below, which can be seen to this day from the tower ramparts above. The traditional way of dyeing leather or garments was for individuals to trample barefoot on the garments which were awash in the dyeing liquid in these trenches. Herleve, legend goes, seeing the duke on his ramparts above, raised her skirts perhaps a bit more than necessary in order to attract his eye. The duke was immediately smitten and ordered her brought in (as was customary for any wench who caught the duke's eye) through the back door. Herleve refused, saying she would only enter the duke's castle on horseback through the front gate, and not as an ordinary commoner. The duke, filled with lust, could only agree. In a few days Herleve, dressed in the finest her father could provide, and sitting on a white horse, rode proudly through the front gate, her head held high. This gave Herleve a semi-official status as the duke's mistress. She later gave birth to his son William in 1028, and to a daughter Adela who may have been born in 1030. Some sources maintain that Herleve married Herluin, vicomte de Conteville in 1031. According to these accounts, Robert always loved her, but the gap in their social status made marriage impossible, so to give her a good life he married her off to one of his favourite noblemen. From her marriage to Herluin she had two sons: Eudes, who later became bishop of Bayeux and earl of Kent, and Robert, who became comte de Mortain and earl of Cornwall. Both had progeny, and became prominent during William's reign. Herleve and Herluin also had a daughter Emma who married Richard Le Goz, vicomte d'Avranches, and had progeny. It is unsure whether Herluin's unnamed daughter who married Guillaume, seigneur de la Ferté-Macé, was by Herleve or his second wife Fredesindis. Some sources believe that Herleve died about 1050. According to the monk and chronicler Robert of Torigni (d.1186), she was buried at the abbey of Grestain, which was founded by Herluin and their son Robert around 1050. This would put Herleve in her mid forties around the time of her death. However, David C. Douglas, author of _William the Conqueror,_ suggests that Herleve probably died before Herluin founded the abbey because her name does not appear on the list of benefactors, whereas the name of Herluin's second wife Fredesendis does. | Falaise, Herleva de Mortain (I8093)
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| 4267 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Flandre-3 From Wikipedia: Matilda of Flanders (c. 1031 - November 2, 1083) was the wife of William I of England. She was Duchess of Normandy and Queen of England. Early life Matilda was the daughter of Baldwin V of Flanders and Adela of France, who was the daughter of king Robert II of France.[1] Historians think she was born about 1031. [2] Care was given to her education so she would become known for her learning as much as for her great beauty.[3] Matilda, like other princesses of her day, was very skilled at fine needlework.[3] Matilda was well respected because she was a part of a large Royal family. She was related to many kings in Europe including Charlemagne. Matilda was a very small woman in size, some reports said she was only four feet two inches high (129.5 Centimeters).[4] Duchess of Normandy Matilda was married to William probably between 1051 and 1052 while she was still a teenager.[5] Ever since he became duke of Normandy as a boy, William had to fight to keep Normandy. When William was born his mother and father were not married so he had the stigma of being a bastard. By marrying Matilda, who was the niece of the king of France, William gained respect in Europe. When William was getting ready to attack England, Matilda had a ship built for him called the Mora. [6] While William was in England and after he became King of England in 1066, Matilda stayed behind to rule Normandy while William was away. Queen of England A year later, in 1067, Matilda was able to join her husband in England and she was crowned Queen of England. It helped William that Matilda was related to an earlier English king, Alfred the Great. This was important to the English people to think Matilda was herself part English. Matilda died on 3 Nov 1083 when she was about 52 years old. Family Together they had ten children, including: William II of England Adela of Normandy, who was the mother of Stephen of England Henry I of England Robert Curthose, Duke of Normandy after his fathers death | Flandre, Matilda of England (I8056)
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| 4268 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Jans-1664 Biography Magdalena Jans was married to Hendrik Roeloffssen in Arnhem, Gelderland, on 12 August 1637. He died not long after the marriage, and she was identified as his widow when she married Dirk Jansz van Arnhem in Arnhem on 22 April 1638.[1] Children of Dirk Jansz van Arnhem and Magdalena Jans, with baptisms recorded in the Reformed Church in Arnhem, were:[1] Dirricxken, baptized 3 February 1639. Jan, baptized 13 October 1640.[2] Joris, baptized 25 January 1643. Hendrik, baptized 14 July 1647. Marricken, baptized 7 November 1649. Sources ↑ 1.0 1.1 Van Arnhem Family in North America, page 3 ↑ "Netherlands, Gelderland Province, Church Records, 1405-1966," images, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/pal:/MM9.3.1/TH-1951-32994-16592-18?cc=2038506 : accessed 23 April 2016), Nederlands Hervormde > Arnhem > Dopen 1608-1625, 1627-1652 > image 445 of 712; Gelders Archives, Arnhem. left page, third entry: 1640. 14 Oct. Jan, of Dirck Jans, Maddelena Jans; Nederlands Hervormde kerk, Arnhem, Gelderland. VanArnhem-VanOrman Family Organization. Van Arnhem Family in North America, VanArnhem-VanOrman Family Organization, 144 North 400 East, Provo, Utah 84601. 1986. Downloadable electronic version from Family History Library, Salt Lake City, Utah. | Jans, Magdalena (I9650)
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| 4269 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Laon-14 BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS.ORG: Bertrada of Laon, also called Bertrada 'au grand pied' and Bertha Broadfoot, was born about 720 in Laon, in today's Aisne, France, the daughter of Heribert/Caribert of Laon. In 740 she married Pippin 'the Short', the son of Charles Martel, the Frankish Mayor of the Palace, although the union was not canonically sanctioned until several years later. Eleven years later, in 751, Pippin and Bertrada became King and Queen of the Franks, following Pippin's successful coup against the Frankish Merovingian monarchs. Bertrada and Pippin are known to have had four children, three sons and one daughter; of these, Charles (Charlemagne), Carloman and Gisela survived to adulthood, while Pippin died in infancy. Charlemagne and Carloman would inherit the two halves of their father's kingdom when he died, and Gisela became a nun. Bertrada lived at the court of her elder son Charles, and according to Einhard their relationship was excellent. She recommended that he marry his first wife Desiderata, a daughter of the Lombard king Desiderius, but he soon divorced her. Einhard claims that this was the only episode that ever strained relations between mother and son. Bertrada lived with Charlemagne until her death on 12 June 783. The king buried her with great honours in the Basilica of Saint Denis. | Laon, Bertrada 'au grand pied' (I8200)
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| 4270 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Longesp%C3%A9e-74 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Effigy of Longespée in Salisbury Cathedral The Charter for the town of Poole issued by Longespée Sir William Longespée (c. 1212 - 8 February 1250) was an English knight and crusader, the son of William Longespée and Ela, Countess of Salisbury. His death became of significant importance to the English psyche, having died at the Battle of Mansurah, near Al-Mansurah in Egypt. Longespée made two pilgrimages to the Holy Land. The first was as a participant in the second wave of crusaders of the Barons' Crusade. On 10 June 1240 he left England in the service of Richard, 1st Earl of Cornwall with roughly a dozen English barons and several hundred knights. They made their way to Marseilles in mid-September, and landed at Acre on 8 October. Longespée and Richard's men saw no combat there, but this group did complete the negotiations for a truce with Ayyubid leaders made by Theobald I of Navarre just a few months prior during the first wave of the crusade. They rebuilt Ascalon castle, and notably handed over custody of it to Walter Pennenpié, the imperial agent of Frederick II in Jerusalem (instead of turning it over to the local liege men of the Kingdom of Jerusalem who strongly opposed to Frederick's rule). On 13 April 1241 they exchanged Muslim prisoners with Christian captives who had been seized during Henry of Bar's disastrous raid at Gaza five months earlier. They also moved the remains of those killed in that battle and buried them at the cemetery in Ascalon. Longespée almost certainly departed with Richard for England on 3 May 1241. Seventh Crusade Longespée again made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, this time in the Seventh Crusade of 1247. He proceeded to Rome and made a plea to Pope Innocent IV for support: "Sir, you see that I am signed with the cross and am on my journey with the King of France to fight in this pilgrimage. My name is great and of note, viz., William Longespée, but my estate is slender, for the King of England, my kinsman and liege lord, hath bereft me of the title of earl and of that estate, but this he did judiciously, and not in displeasure, and by the impulse of his will; therefore I do not blame him for it. Howbeit, I am necessitated to have recourse to your holiness for favour, desiring your assistance in this distress. We see here (quoth he) that Earl Richard (of Cornwall) who, though he is not signed with the cross, yet, through the especial grace of your holiness, he hath got very much money from those who are signed, and therefore, I, who am signed and in want, do intreat the like favour."[1] Having succeeded in gaining the favour of the Pope, Longespée raised a company of 200 English horse to join with King Louis on his crusade. To raise funds for his expedition, he sold a charter of liberties to the burgesses of the town of Poole in 1248 for 70 marks.[2] During the Seventh Crusade, Longespée commanded the English forces. He became widely known for his feats of chivalry and his subsequent martyrdom. The circumstances of his death served to fuel growing English animosity toward the French; it is reported that the French Count d'Artois lured Longespée into attacking the Mameluks before the forces of King Louis arrived in support. D'Artois, Longespée and his men, along with 280 Knights Templar, were killed at this time. It is said that his mother, Countess Ela, had a vision of the martyr being received into heaven by angels on the day of his death. In 1252, the Sultan delivered Longespée's remains to a messenger who conveyed them to Acre for burial at the church of St Cross. However, his effigy is found amongst family members at Salisbury Cathedral, in England (though it is now identified as 14th century[citation needed]). Marriage and issue Longespée married Idoine de Camville, daughter of Richard de Camville and Eustacia Basset. They had three sons and a daughter: Ela Longespée, married James Audley (1220-1272), of Heleigh Castle, Staffordshire, son of Henry De Audley and Bertred Mainwaring William III Longespée, married Maud de Clifford, granddaughter of Llewelyn ap Iorwerth, Prince of North Wales in 1254. William died in 1257, in the lifetime of his grandmother Ela of Salisbury, 3rd Countess of Salisbury. Margaret, the daughter of William and Maud, married Henry de Lacy, 3rd Earl of Lincoln.[3] Richard Longespée, married Alice le Rus, daughter of William le Rus of Suffolk and died shortly before 27 December 1261.[4] Edmund Longespée, The Book of Lacock names “Guill Lungespee tertium, Ric´um, Elam et Edmundum” as the children of “Guill Lungespee secundus” & his wife. | Longespee, Sir William Earl of Salisbury (I7976)
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| 4271 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Longesp%C3%A9e-81 | Longespee, Ella Audley (I7961)
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| 4272 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Normandie-32 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia (Redirected from William the Conqueror) Jump to navigationJump to search William I King of England, Duke of Normandy BL MS Royal 14 C VII f.8v (William I).jpg King of England Reign 25 December 1066 - 9 September 1087 Coronation 25 December 1066 Predecessor Harold II (Godwinson) Successor William II Born c. 1027 Normandy Died 9 September 1087 (aged c. 60) Rouen, Normandy Consort Matilda of Flanders (1031 - 1083) House House of Normandy Father Robert I, Duke of Normandy Mother Herleva William I of England (c. 1027-1087), also known as William the Conqueror, or William the Bastard, was the first Norman King of England (1066-1087). He was also the Duke of Normandy from 1035 until his death. At the Battle of Hastings William defeated Harold Godwinson, the last Anglo-Saxon king of England. He changed the course of both Norman and English history. He and Harold Godwinson battled to see who would keep ad or receive the English throne. William beat Harold at the battle of Hastings in 1066. Early life and minority William was the son of Robert I, Duke of Normandy by his concubine Herleva.[1] He was born in Falaise, Normandy in 1027 or 1028.[2] William became the Duke of Normandy when his father died in 1035.[2] In 1034 or 1035 Duke Robert wanted to go on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. He made his noblemen swear to make his young son William their duke if he was killed.[3] But William's minority rule of Normandy did not start well. Some Normans did not want a boy as their duke.[a] Robert II Archbishop of Rouen was a powerful man in Normandy. He protected William.[5] King Henry I of France also approved of William.[6] In 1037, Archbishop Robert died. Without his support Norman nobles began fighting among themselves. Some wanted William out of the way and tried to kill him.[7] One of William's servants was killed in the very room where William slept. Two more of William's protectors died during this time. Normandy was in complete disorder.[8] In 1042 William held a church council in Normandy.[9] At that council the church made a new law called the Truce of God.[9] It was to help stop all the private wars. There could be no fighting on feast days or fast days.[9] No fighting was allowed from Thursday night until Monday morning.[9] The punishment for breaking the truce was excommunication.[10] William probably reached the age of majority in about 1044.[11] He no longer needed tutors. He could now rule on his own.[11] Duke of Normandy Val-es-Dunes The private wars continued into 1046. William's rule depended on the loyalty of his viscounts.[12] By the fall of 1046 many of the families in lower Normandy began plotting to replace William as duke.[12] Guy of Burgundy, William's cousin, was sent to William's court in hopes he would do well there.[13] William gave Guy castles at Brionne and Vernon. But Guy wasn't happy with this and decided he should rule Normandy himself.[13] He became the leader of what was by now an open revolt.[13] Two of William's viscounts joined Guy. William realized this was a serious threat and he asked King Henry for help.[13] The French king came right away and brought a large army. The combined armies of Duke William and King Henry met the rebels at Val-es-Dunes. The rebels were defeated and Guy fled to his castle at Brionne. William kept the castle cut off from food or supplies until Guy gave up in 1049.[13] The duke forgave his cousin, but Guy soon returned to Burgundy. William's victory at Val-es-Dunes gave him some control of Normandy.[14] A church council met in October 1047 near the battlefield to consider a new Truce of God.[15] No private wars would be allowed from Wednesday evening through Monday morning. Also no such fighting was allowed during Advent, Lent, Easter and Pentecost.[15] This followed other such truces in place elsewhere in France.[15] But the king and duke were both excluded from this truce. They were allowed to wage war during these times to keep the peace.[16] William's peace in Normandy was now supported by the church.[17] Rise to power Statue of William the Conqueror at Falaise made by Louis Rochet in 1851. The battle of Val-es-Dunes was the start of William's rise to power. As the king had stepped in it was more his victory than William's.[16] But William's nobles now began to see him as a leader. He could now think about taking a wife.[17] Shortly before 1049 William decided to marry Matilda of Flanders.[18] She was the daughter of Baldwin V of Flanders and Adela of France, who was the daughter of King Robert II of France.[18] Before it could take place Pope Leo IX refused to allow the marriage. He did not give a reason but the two were cousins.[18] Some time between 1050 and 1052 the two married anyway.[b][18] But it wasn't until 1059 that another pope, Nicholas II, lifted the ban on their marriage.[18] While William was building his power in Normandy things were changing around him. King Henry had supported him and William had helped the king against the count of Anjou.[20] About 1052 Count Geoffrey of Anjou and the king suddenly made peace. Just as suddenly the king turned on William.[20] At the same time two of William's uncles, Archbishop Mauger and Count William of Arques rebelled against their nephew. William fought his uncle at the castle at Arques.[20] King Henry now led a large force (army) into Normandy to help Count William of Arques. But Duke William met him in battle and won.[20] Without the king's army to help, the castle had to give up.[21] Duke William sent his two uncles away from Normandy.[21] In 1054 the king again entered Normandy with a large hostile force. He split his army in two and led the southern forces himself.[22] His brother Odo led the second force east of the Seine river.[22] This time William had all of Normandy supporting him. He had everything that could be used as food removed ahead of the French armies.[22] This would cause them difficulty in keeping their soldiers fed. William also split his soldiers into two armies. William's forces watched the king's armies looking for any chance to attack.[22] When Odo's forces reached the town of Mortimer they found plenty of food and drink. This caused his forces to relax and enjoy themselves.[22] The commanders of William's second army caught them by surprise and killed most of Odo's soldiers.[23] Those who did survive were taken prisoner and held for ransom. When the king got the news that his brother's army had been destroyed his army was struck with panic. The king and his men left Normandy as fast as they could.[24] King Henry I agreed to a peace that lasted three years. But in 1058 the king broke the peace and invaded Normandy again. Just as before William kept the king's army close but waited for the best time to strike. This came as the French army was crossing the Dives river at Varaville.[25] The king had already crossed the river and watched as his army was destroyed as they entered the water. He took what remained of his army and left Normandy for good. The king died a short time later. The new king, his young son Phillip, was under the care of William's father-in-law, Baldwin V.[26] France was no longer hostile to Normandy and this allowed William the freedom to expand.[26] Normandy and England In 1002 Ethelred King of England married Emma, sister of Duke Richard II of Normandy.[27] The alliance formed by this marriage had far reaching effects.[27] When Canute came to the throne of England in 1016, he took Emma of Normandy as his wife. Her two sons by her former marriage fled to Normandy for their own safety. Edward, the older son, stayed in Normandy for many years at the court of the dukes. The last duke who protected him there was his cousin William. Edward became King of England in 1042. in 1052 Edward made William his heir.[28] In 1065 Harold Godwinson was in Normandy. While he was there he promised Duke William he would support him as successor to the English throne.[29] On 5 January 1066 Edward the king died. But Harold did not respect his oaths.[30] The next day, the day of the funeral, Harold Godwinson was crowned King of England.[29] The story was that on his deathbed, the king had changed his mind, and promised Harold the throne. Harold was not royalty himself and had no legal claim on the throne.[30] For weeks William must have known Edward was dying.[31] But the news of the king's death and Harold's taking the throne must have been a surprise to others.[31] Norman invasion of England Prelude William began his plans for invasion almost as soon as he received news of the events in England.[32] He called a meeting of his greatest men.[33] William made plans to gather a large army from all over France.[34] His influence and wealth meant he could mount a large campaign.[34] His first task was to build a fleet of ships to carry his army across the English Channel.[34] Then he started gathering an army. His friendship with Brittany, France, and Flanders meant he did not have to rely only on his own army.[34] He hired and paid soldiers from many parts of Europe. William asked for and got the support of the pope who gave him a banner to carry into battle.[35] At the same time Duke William was planning his invasion, so too was Harold Hardrada. The king of England knew both would be coming but he kept his ships and forces in the south of England where William might land.[36] William may have had as many as 1,000 ships in his invasion fleet.[37] They had favorable winds to leave Normandy on the night of 27 September 1066.[38] William's ship, the Mora, was a gift of his wife, Matilda.[37] It led the fleet to the landing at Pevensey the next morning.[38] As soon as he landed William got news of King Harold's victory over the Norwegian king at Stamford Bridge in the north of England.[39] Harold also received news that William had landed at Pevensey and came south as quickly as he could. The king rested at London for a few days before taking his army to meet William and his French forces.[39] Battle of Hastings Battle of Hastings, battleplan. King Harold's army took up a position on an east-west ridge north of Hastings.[40] The ridge itself was called Senlay Hill.[41] They found the Norman army marching up the valley in front of them. While Harold had more soldiers, they were tired from the forced march from London.[40] William formed his lines at the base of the hill facing the shield wall[c] of the English. He sent his archers halfway up the slope to attack the English.[40] He sent his mounted knights to the left and right to find any weak spots.[40] At first William's knights tried to break through the shield wall with the weight of their horses.[42] But they were attacking uphill and could not gain any speed. Harold's front line simply stood fast and was able to fend off any attacks.[42] William's army began to fall back with rumors of Duke William's death. William removed his helmet so his men could see he was still alive.[42] When William saw that many of Harold's men were following his knights back down the hill he used a trick he had learned years before. He turned suddenly and charged the oncoming English foot soldiers who had no chance against mounted knights.[42] This tactic worked at least two more times during the battle and made Harold's shield wall weaker.[43] Now William used something new. Where his attacks by knights and soldiers had been separate movements he now used them together.[43] Where his archers had not succeeded against the shield wall he had them shoot high into the air so the arrows came down on top of the English.[43] This may be where king Harold was killed by an arrow through his eye.[43] The shield wall finally broke and the Normans were on top of them. By nightfall the English were either dead on the field or being hunted down by William's troops.[43] William called his troops back and they all spent the night camped on the battlefield.[43] Aftermath The battle was won but the English still had smaller armies which had not joined King Harold at Hastings.[44] They had lost their king but were still trying to reorganize. William rested his army for five days before moving towards London.[44] His line of march took him through several towns he either captured or destroyed.[44] When William reached London the English resisted for a short time but in the end surrendered.[44] On Christmas day in 1066 William was crowned King of England.[45] His victory at Hastings gave Duke William the nickname he has been known by ever since: 'William the Conqueror'.[46] King of England Early reign William chose to be crowned at Christmas.[47] This was partly because he thought the English would be less likely to riot at this high feast day. It was also a good choice because he believed it was God's will he be king.[d][47] Now the king, William spent a few months in England.[49] He then returned to Normandy leaving England in the hands of two capable men.[50] These were his half-brother Odo, the Bishop of Bayeux and William FitzOsbern. Odo was made the Earl of Kent while FitzOsbern became the earl of Hereford.[50] The remaining three English earls were left in place.[50] When William sailed back to Normandy with him were many of his followers. Many of his soldiers who had been paid and others he wished to keep track of.[50] In particular these were the English Archbishop Stigand and Edgar Atheling. He also brought his remaining three English earls, Edwin, Morcar and Waltheof.[50] This was so none of them could start a revolt while he was away.[50] William had his duties at home to take care of. Also many of his soldiers needed to come back to keep the duchy safe.[50] When William returned to London in December of 1067 he began to find out what problems had come up while he was gone.[51] Hertfordshire had been raided by Mercians. Then Exeter had not accepted the rule of the new king.[51] William raised money from all those parts of England that would pay. He also called out English levies.[51] Exeter surrendered after one of its hostages was blinded. After he subdued Devon and Cornwall all seemed quiet.[51] At Winchester William sent for his wife Matilda who was crowned Queen of England there at Pentecost.[51] By summer more rebellions had broken out.[52] At the same time others were fleeing England. Edgar Atheling along with his mother and sisters left for Scotland where they were welcomed.[52] In the North strong anti-Norman groups were gathering around York. Earl Edwin and his brother Morcar left William's court to join the rebels in the north.[52] William then built a castle at Warwick. This caused the Earls and others to give in to William. Other castles followed. William then entered York where others came to him and submitted.[52] He then negotiated with the king of Scots to prevent any invasions of England from the north.[52] But his campaign in the North was not as effective as he thought. In 1069 a second uprising developed into a war.[52] The men William left in charge had been killed. A small Norman force was holding out in York when William came to their aid.[53] After building another castle William left Earl William FitzOsbern in charge.[53] For the next five months the north was quiet. But the northern English leaders had sent word to King Swein in Denmark offering him the crown if he could defeat the Normans. Swein sent a Danish fleet to England.[53] In the summer of 1069 the Danish fleet appeared off the coast of Kent. It moved up the coast towards the north, raiding as it went.[54] William and his army were in the south guarding against any incursions.[54] Finally the fleet joined the English rebels on the banks of the River Humber. The remaining English earls all deserted William and joined the combined English-Danish forces. They moved against the Norman garrison at York and killed all but a few women and children.[54] William Malet, a Norman who had lived in England before 1066 was also spared.[54] Harrying of the north William's northern army was wiped out and York in was in ruins. At the same time smaller rebellions were breaking out in Wales and southwest England.[55] William knew he was in trouble. He began by calling in all his commanders and troops to combine his forces. The king knew that with a smaller army he had to deal with one group of rebels at a time.[55] He sent William FitzOsbern and Brian of Brittany to deal with Exeter. William himself fought an army moving in from the east. In both cases the Norman armies were victorious.[55] He now moved on the northern armies that had destroyed York. But he was unable to get any farther north than Pontefract.[55] After trying for several weeks William bribed the Danish Fleet to withdraw from York for the winter. They agreed and returned to the mouth of the Humber to winter there.[55] William was now able to move up to York. He rebuilt the castles there. He then had his forces spread out and destroy everything useful for the English and Danish army to feed itself.[55] The result was widespread famine and the people of the area either left or starved to death.[55] This was William's infamous harrying of the North.[e] The result of all this was the surrender of his English Earls and most of the rebels in England. The few remaining groups were quickly crushed by William's army.[57] But one group proved more stubborn. This was at Chester and after a forced march during Winter, William surprised them before they were ready.[58] After their surrender he built two more castles there then returned to Winchester.[58] Ruling England and Normandy William never again had to lay waste to a county as he did at Yorkshire. He had dealt with the main threats to his rule but some had only been solved in part.[59] The Danish fleet came back in 1070 this time led by King Swen. They joined a small group of rebels on the Isle of Ely led by Hereward the Wake.[59] Again William bribed the Danes to leave and then dealt with the rebels. Hereward was never heard from again.[60] William now had to rule both England and Normandy.[61] He found he had to be present to keep things under control. When he was in Normandy trouble often broke out in England.[61] When in England, though, Normandy was being ruled by his wife Matilda.[61] But Fulk Rechin, the new count of Anjou, had taken Maine from William's control. William had to take it back in 1073.[62] In 1082 William arrested his half-brother Odo, Bishop of Bayeux and Earl of Kent.[63] The reasons are uncertain but Odo was trying to raise an army to march on Rome. His plan was to become the next pope.[63] William put him on trial on the Isle of Wight. In addition to other crimes was that of trying to raise an army among William's soldiers. As William pointed out, they were needed for the defense of England.[63] Odo protested that not even a king could judge him. As a bishop only the pope could.[63] William replied that he wasn't seizing a bishop, he was seizing his earl who he left in charge during his absence. Odo was imprisoned in Normandy for the rest of his life.[63] In 1083 Queen Matilda died and was buried in Caen.[64] The two had been very close and only disagreed over their son Robert Curthose.[64] Robert had repeatedly rebelled against his father yet kept in contact with his mother.[64] This caused a rift between them. Philip I of France had found it difficult for his vassal to become a king like himself and so resented William.[64] Not strong enough to fight William himself, when Robert Curthose rebelled against his father, King Philip helped him.[64] In the summer of 1085 William learned that King Canute IV of Denmark was getting a fleet ready to sail against England.[65] William came back to England in the fall with a large number of soldiers. He had to pay them and feed them at great cost.[65] It may have been at this time he realized he had no records of what was owed him as king. He didn't know if he was collecting all the taxes that were due.[65] Domesday Book Writing the Domesday Book. At his Christmas court at Gloucester in 1085 William asked that a great survey be taken in every part of England.[66] The king wanted to know how many people lived in his realm.[67] He wanted to know the size of every property, what each was worth, and how much income it brought in.[67] No such survey had ever been made in England before. It was unique in what it covered, its details and its contribution to English history.[66] The Domesday Book was the first public record in England.[66] The text of the book fit into two volumes.[66] The first covered thirty-one counties. It was called 'Great Domesday' because of its size. The second covered the counties of Essex, Norfolk, and Suffolk and was called 'Little Domesday'.[66] The facts were recorded by several panels made up of bishops and earls. Each panel collected information on several counties.[66] William was presented with a large collection of written records on 1 August 1086.[68] This was the Domesday Book, but it wouldn't bound into books for almost another century.[68] Last years William died when he was in Rouen, France from injuries he had received from falling off a horse he owned. Family William and his wife Matilda of Flanders had at least nine children.[69] Robert (c. 1050-1134), Duke of Normandy succeeded his father.[70] Richard (c. 1052-c. 1075.[70] William (c. 1055-1100). Succeeded his father as King of England. Henry (1068-1135). Succeeded his brother William as King of England.[70] Agatha; promised in marriage to Alfonso VI of León and Castile but died before the wedding.[70] Adeliza.[70] Cecily (c. 1066-1127), Abbess of Holy Trinity, Caen.[70] Adela († 1137), married Stephen I, Count of Blois.[70] Constance († 1090), married Alan IV Fergent, Duke of Brittany.[70] Matilda.[70] | Normandie, William Guillaume of Normandy (I8053)
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| 4273 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Normandie-36 BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS: Richard was born in Normandy on 23 August 963, the son and heir of Richard I 'the Fearless' and Gunnor. He succeeded as Duke of Normandy on his father's death in 996. Richard held his own against a peasant insurrection, and helped Robert II of France against the duchy of Burgundy. He also repelled an English attack on the Cotentin Peninsula led by Aethelred II 'the Unready', king of England. He pursued the reform of the Norman monasteries. Richard attempted to improve relations with England through his sister Emma's marriage to King Aethelred. This connection later gave his grandson, William 'the Conqueror', his claim to the throne of England. In 1000 he married Judith de Bretagne, daughter of Conon I 'le Tort', duc de Bretagne, and Ermengarde d'Anjou. Richard and Judith had six children of whom four would have progeny. In 1017, Richard married Estrid Svendsdatter of Denmark, daughter of Svend I 'Forkbeard', king in Denmark, Norway and England, and Gunhild/Swjatoslawa/Sygryda of Poland. This marriage ended in divorce, with no progeny. Richard's third wife was Poppa, by whom he had a son Guillaume, comte d'Arquens, who did not have progeny. Richard also had two illegitimate children, Mauger of Normandy who became Archbishop of Rouen, and Papie, who would have progeny. Richard died on 28 August 1027, and was succeeded by his son Richard III. However, when Richard III died in 1028 he was succeeded by his younger brother Robert. | Richard II Duke of Normandy (I8099)
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| 4274 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Normandie-40 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Holy Roman Empress; German Queen; Queen of Italy Tenure 7 January 1114 - 23 May 1125 Lady of the English (disputed) Reign 7 April 1141 - 1148[1][2] Predecessor Stephen (as king) Successor Stephen (as king) Born c. 7 February 1102 Possibly Winchester or Sutton Courtenay, England Died 10 September 1167 (aged 65) Rouen, France Burial Rouen Cathedral, France Spouse Henry V, Holy Roman Emperor (m. 1114; died 1125) Geoffrey V, Count of Anjou (m. 1128; died 1151) Issue Henry II of England Geoffrey, Count of Nantes William FitzEmpress House Normandy Father Henry I of England Mother Matilda of Scotland Empress Matilda (c. 7 February 1102 - 10 September 1167), also known as the Empress Maude,[nb 1] was one of the claimants to the English throne during the civil war known as the Anarchy. The daughter of King Henry I of England, she moved to Germany as a child when she married the future Holy Roman Emperor Henry V. She travelled with her husband into Italy in 1116, was controversially crowned in St. Peter's Basilica, and acted as the imperial regent in Italy. Matilda and Henry V had no children, and when he died in 1125, the imperial crown was claimed by Lothair II. Meanwhile, Matilda's younger brother, William Adelin, died in the White Ship disaster of 1120, leaving Matilda's father and England facing a potential succession crisis. On Emperor Henry V's death, Matilda was recalled to Normandy by her father, who arranged for her to marry Geoffrey of Anjou to form an alliance to protect his southern borders. Henry I had no further legitimate children and nominated Matilda as his heir, making his court swear an oath of loyalty to her and her successors, but the decision was not popular in the Anglo-Norman court. Henry died in 1135, but Matilda and Geoffrey faced opposition from Anglo-Norman barons. The throne was instead taken by Matilda's cousin Stephen of Blois, who enjoyed the backing of the English Church. Stephen took steps to solidify his new regime but faced threats both from neighbouring powers and from opponents within his kingdom. In 1139, Matilda crossed to England to take the kingdom by force, supported by her half-brother, Robert of Gloucester, and her uncle, King David I of Scotland, while Geoffrey focused on conquering Normandy. Matilda's forces captured Stephen at the Battle of Lincoln in 1141, but the Empress's attempt to be crowned at Westminster collapsed in the face of bitter opposition from the London crowds. As a result of this retreat, Matilda was never formally declared Queen of England, and was instead titled the Lady of the English. Robert was captured following the Rout of Winchester in 1141, and Matilda agreed to exchange him for Stephen. Matilda became trapped in Oxford Castle by Stephen's forces that winter, and was forced to escape across the frozen River Isis at night to avoid capture. The war degenerated into a stalemate, with Matilda controlling much of the south-west of England, and Stephen the south-east and the Midlands. Large parts of the rest of the country were in the hands of local, independent barons. Matilda returned to Normandy, now in the hands of her husband, in 1148, leaving her eldest son to continue the campaign in England; he eventually succeeded to the throne as Henry II in 1154, forming the Angevin Empire. She settled her court near Rouen and for the rest of her life concerned herself with the administration of Normandy, acting on her son's behalf when necessary. Particularly in the early years of her son's reign, she provided political advice and attempted to mediate during the Becket controversy. She worked extensively with the Church, founding Cistercian monasteries, and was known for her piety. She was buried under the high altar at Bec Abbey after her death in 1167. Childhood Matilda was born to Henry I, King of England and Duke of Normandy, and his first wife, Matilda of Scotland, possibly around 7 February 1102 at Sutton Courtenay, in Berkshire.[3][nb 2] Henry was the youngest son of William the Conqueror, who had invaded England in 1066, creating an empire stretching into Wales. The invasion had created an Anglo-Norman elite, many with estates spread across both sides of the English Channel.[5] These barons typically had close links to the kingdom of France, which was then a loose collection of counties and smaller polities, under only the minimal control of the king.[6] Her mother Matilda was the daughter of King Malcolm III of Scotland, a member of the West Saxon royal family, and a descendant of Alfred the Great.[7] For Henry, marrying Matilda of Scotland had given his reign increased legitimacy, and for her it had been an opportunity for high status and power in England.[8] Matilda had a younger, legitimate brother, William Adelin, and her father's relationships with numerous mistresses resulted in around 22 illegitimate siblings.[nb 3] Little is known about Matilda's earliest life, but she probably stayed with her mother, was taught to read, and was educated in religious morals.[9][nb 4] Among the nobles at her mother's court were her uncle David, later the King of Scotland, and aspiring nobles such as her half-brother Robert of Gloucester, her cousin Stephen of Blois and Brian Fitz Count.[11] In 1108 Henry left Matilda and her brother in the care of Anselm, the Archbishop of Canterbury, while he travelled to Normandy; Anselm was a favoured cleric of Matilda's mother.[12] There is no detailed description of Matilda's appearance; contemporaries described Matilda as being very beautiful, but this may have simply reflected the conventional practice among the chroniclers.[13] Holy Roman Empire In late 1108 or early 1109, Henry V, then the King of the Romans, sent envoys to Normandy proposing that Matilda marry him, and wrote separately to her mother on the same matter.[14] The match was attractive to the English king: his daughter would be marrying into one of the most prestigious dynasties in Europe, reaffirming his own, slightly questionable, status as the youngest son of a new royal house, and gaining him an ally in dealing with France.[15] In return, Henry V would receive a dowry of 10,000 marks, which he needed to fund an expedition to Rome for his coronation as the Holy Roman Emperor.[16] The final details of the deal were negotiated at Westminster in June 1109 and, as a result of her changing status, Matilda attended a royal council for the first time that October.[16] She left England in February 1110 to make her way to Germany.[17] The couple met at Liège before travelling to Utrecht where, on 10 April, they became officially betrothed.[18] On 25 July Matilda was crowned Queen of the Romans in a ceremony at Mainz.[19] There was a considerable age gap between the couple, as Matilda was only eight years old while Henry was 24.[20] After the betrothal she was placed into the custody of Bruno, the Archbishop of Trier, who was tasked with educating her in German culture, manners and government.[21][22][nb 5] In January 1114 Matilda was ready to be married to Henry, and their wedding was held at the city of Worms amid extravagant celebrations.[23] Matilda now entered public life in Germany, complete with her own household.[24] Political conflict broke out across the Empire shortly after the marriage, triggered when Henry arrested his Chancellor Adalbert and various other German princes.[25] Rebellions followed, accompanied by opposition from within the Church, which played an important part in administering the Empire, and this led to the formal excommunication of the Emperor by Pope Paschal II.[26] Henry and Matilda marched over the Alps into Italy in early 1116, intent on settling matters permanently with the Pope.[26] Matilda was now playing a full part in the imperial government, sponsoring royal grants, dealing with petitioners and taking part in ceremonial occasions.[27] The rest of the year was spent establishing control of northern Italy, and in early 1117 the pair advanced on Rome itself.[28] Paschal fled when Henry and Matilda arrived, and in his absence the papal envoy Maurice Bourdin, later the Antipope Gregory VIII, crowned the pair at St. Peter's Basilica, probably that Easter and certainly by Pentecost.[29] Matilda used these ceremonies to claim the title of the Empress of the Holy Roman Empire. The Empire was governed by elected monarchs who, like Henry V, had been selected by the major nobles to become the King of the Romans. These kings typically hoped to be subsequently crowned by the Pope as the Holy Roman Emperor, but this could not be guaranteed. Henry V had coerced the Pope into crowning him in 1111, but Matilda's own status was less clear.[30] As a result of her marriage she was clearly the legitimate Queen of the Romans, a title that she used on her seal and charters, but it was uncertain if she had a legitimate claim to the title of empress.[30] Both Bourdin's status and the ceremonies themselves were deeply ambiguous. Strictly speaking, the ceremonies were not imperial coronations but instead were formal "crown-wearing" occasions, among the few times in the year when the rulers would wear their crowns in court.[31] Bourdin had also been excommunicated by the time he conducted the second ceremony, and he was later to be deposed and imprisoned for life by the Pope.[31] Nonetheless, Matilda maintained that she had been officially crowned as the empress in Rome.[31] The titles of emperor and empress were not always consistently used in this period, and in any case her use of the title became widely accepted.[32] Matilda chose not to dispute Anglo-Norman chroniclers who later incorrectly recorded that the Pope himself had crowned her in Rome.[33] Death of Henry In 1118, Henry returned north over the Alps into Germany to suppress fresh rebellions, leaving Matilda as his regent to govern Italy.[34][nb 6] There are few records of her rule over the next two years, but she probably gained considerable practical experience of government.[36] In 1119, she returned north to meet Henry in Lotharingia.[37] Her husband was occupied in finding a compromise with the Pope, who had excommunicated him.[37] In 1122, Henry and probably Matilda were at the Council of Worms.[38] The council settled the long-running dispute with the Church when Henry gave up his rights to invest bishops with their episcopal regalia.[38] Matilda attempted to visit her father in England that year, but the journey was blocked by Charles I, Count of Flanders, whose territory she would have needed to pass through.[39] Historian Marjorie Chibnall argues Matilda had intended to discuss the inheritance of the English crown on this journey.[40] Matilda and Henry remained childless, but neither party was considered to be infertile and contemporary chroniclers blamed their situation on the Emperor and his sins against the Church.[41][nb 7] In early 1122, the couple travelled down the Rhine together as Henry continued to suppress the ongoing political unrest, but by now he was suffering from cancer.[42] His condition worsened and he died on 23 May 1125 in Utrecht, leaving Matilda in the protection of their nephew Frederick, the heir to his estates.[43] Before his death, he left the imperial insignia in the control of Matilda, but it is unclear what instructions he gave her about the future of the Empire, which faced another leadership election.[44] Archbishop Adalbert subsequently convinced Matilda that she should give him the insignia, and the Archbishop led the electoral process which appointed Lothair of Supplinburg, a former enemy of Henry, as the new King of the Romans.[45] Now aged 23, Matilda had only limited options as to how she might spend the rest of her life.[45] Being childless, she could not exercise a role as an imperial regent, which left her with the choice of either becoming a nun or remarrying.[45] Some offers of marriage started to arrive from German princes, but she chose to return to Normandy.[46] She does not appear to have expected to return to Germany, as she gave up her estates within the Empire and departed with her personal collection of jewels, her own imperial regalia, two of Henry's crowns, and the valuable relic of the Hand of St James the Apostle.[47] Succession crisis In 1120, the English political landscape had changed dramatically after the White Ship disaster. Around three hundred passengers - including Matilda's brother William Adelin and many other senior nobles - embarked one night on the White Ship to travel from Barfleur in Normandy across to England.[48] The vessel foundered just outside the harbour, possibly as a result of overcrowding or excessive drinking by the ship's master and crew, and all but two of the passengers died. William Adelin was among the casualties.[49] With William dead, the succession to the English throne was thrown into doubt. Rules of succession were uncertain in western Europe at the time; in some parts of France, male primogeniture was becoming more popular, in which the eldest son would inherit a title.[50] It was also traditional for the King of France to crown his successor while he was still alive, making the intended line of succession relatively clear. This was not the case in England, where the best a noble could do was to identify what Professor Eleanor Searle has termed a pool of legitimate heirs, leaving them to challenge and dispute the inheritance after his death.[51] The problem was further complicated by the sequence of unstable Anglo-Norman successions over the previous sixty years. William the Conqueror had invaded England, his sons William Rufus and Robert Curthose had fought a war between them to establish their inheritance, and Henry had only acquired control of Normandy by force. There had been no peaceful, uncontested successions.[52] Initially, Henry put his hopes in fathering another son. William and Matilda's mother-Matilda of Scotland-had died in 1118, and so Henry took a new wife, Adeliza of Louvain. Henry and Adeliza did not conceive any children, and the future of the dynasty appeared at risk.[53] Henry may have begun to look among his nephews for a possible heir. He may have considered his sister Adela's son Stephen of Blois as a possible option and, perhaps in preparation for this, he arranged a beneficial marriage for Stephen to Matilda's wealthy maternal cousin and namesake the Countess of Boulogne.[54] Theobald of Blois, his close ally, possibly also felt that he was in favour with Henry.[55] William Clito, the only son of Robert Curthose, was King Louis VI of France's preferred choice, but William was in open rebellion against Henry and was therefore unsuitable.[56] Henry might have also considered his own illegitimate son, Robert of Gloucester, as a possible candidate, but English tradition and custom would have looked unfavourably on this.[57] Henry's plans shifted when Empress Matilda's husband, Emperor Henry, died in 1125.[58] Return to Normandy Contemporary depiction of Geoffrey of Anjou, Matilda's second husband Matilda returned to Normandy in 1125 and spent about a year at the royal court, where her father Henry was still hoping that his second marriage would generate a male heir.[59] In the event that this failed to happen, Matilda was now Henry's preferred choice, and he declared that she was to be his rightful successor if he should die without a male heir.[60] The Anglo-Norman barons were gathered together at Westminster on Christmas 1126, where they swore in January to recognise Matilda and any future legitimate heir she might have.[61][nb 8] Henry began to formally look for a new husband for Matilda in early 1127 and received various offers from princes within the Empire.[63] His preference was to use Matilda's marriage to secure the southern borders of Normandy by marrying her to Geoffrey of Anjou, the eldest son of Fulk, the Count of Anjou.[64] Henry's control of Normandy had faced numerous challenges since he had conquered it in 1106, and the latest threat came from his nephew William Clito, the new Count of Flanders, who enjoyed the support of the French King.[65] It was essential to Henry that he did not also face a threat from the south as well as the east of Normandy.[66] William Adelin had married Fulk's daughter Matilda, which would have cemented an alliance between Henry and Anjou, but the White Ship disaster put an end to this.[67] Henry and Fulk argued over the fate of the marriage dowry, and this had encouraged Fulk to turn to support William Clito instead.[68] Henry's solution was now to negotiate the marriage of Matilda to Geoffrey, recreating the former alliance.[65] Matilda appears to have been unimpressed by this plan.[69] She felt that marrying the son of a count diminished her imperial status and was probably also unhappy about marrying someone so much younger than she was; Matilda was 25 and Geoffrey was only 13.[69] Hildebert, the Archbishop of Tours, eventually intervened to persuade her to go along with the engagement.[69] Matilda finally agreed, and she travelled to Rouen in May 1127 with Robert of Gloucester and Brian Fitz Count where she was formally betrothed to Geoffrey.[70] Over the course of the next year, Fulk decided to depart for Jerusalem, where he hoped to become king, leaving his possessions to Geoffrey.[71] Henry knighted his future son-in-law, and Matilda and Geoffrey were married a week later on 17 June 1128 in Le Mans by the bishops of Le Mans and Séez.[71] Fulk finally left Anjou for Jerusalem in 1129, declaring Geoffrey the Count of Anjou and Maine.[72] Disputes The marriage proved difficult, as the couple did not particularly like each other.[73] There was a further dispute over Matilda's dowry; she was granted various castles in Normandy by Henry, but it was not specified when the couple would actually take possession of them.[74] It is also unknown whether Henry intended Geoffrey to have any future claim on England or Normandy, and he was probably keeping Geoffrey's status deliberately uncertain.[74] Soon after the marriage, Matilda left Geoffrey and returned to Normandy.[73] Henry appears to have blamed Geoffrey for the separation, but the couple were finally reconciled in 1131.[75] Henry summoned Matilda from Normandy, and she arrived in England that August.[76] It was decided that Matilda would return to Geoffrey at a meeting of the King's great council in September.[76] The council also gave another collective oath of allegiance to recognise her as Henry's heir.[76][nb 9] Matilda gave birth to her first son in March 1133 at Le Mans, the future Henry II.[78] Henry was delighted by the news and came to see her at Rouen.[79] At Pentecost 1134, son Geoffrey was born in Rouen, but the childbirth was extremely difficult and Matilda appeared close to death.[80] She made arrangements for her will and argued with her father about where she should be buried. Matilda preferred Bec Abbey, but Henry wanted her to be interred at Rouen Cathedral.[80] Matilda recovered, and Henry was overjoyed by the birth of his second grandson, possibly insisting on another round of oaths from his nobility.[80][nb 10] From then on, relations became increasingly strained between Matilda and Henry. The couple suspected that they lacked genuine support in England for their claim to the throne, and proposed in 1135 that the King should hand over the royal castles in Normandy to Matilda and should insist that the Norman nobility immediately swear allegiance to her.[82] This would have given the couple a much more powerful position after Henry's death, but the King angrily refused, probably out of a concern that Geoffrey would try to seize power in Normandy while he was still alive.[83] A fresh rebellion broke out in southern Normandy, and Geoffrey and Matilda intervened militarily on behalf of the rebels.[50] In the middle of this confrontation, Henry unexpectedly fell ill and died near Lyons-la-Forêt.[84] It is uncertain what, if anything, Henry said about the succession before his death.[85] Contemporary chronicler accounts were coloured by subsequent events. Sources favourable to Matilda suggested that Henry had reaffirmed his intent to grant all his lands to his daughter, while hostile chroniclers argued that Henry had renounced his former plans and had apologised for having forced the barons to swear an oath of allegiance to her.[85] Road to war When news began to spread of Henry I's death, Matilda and Geoffrey were in Anjou, supporting the rebels in their campaign against the royal army, which included a number of Matilda's supporters such as Robert of Gloucester.[50] Many of these barons had taken an oath to stay in Normandy until the late king was properly buried, which prevented them from returning to England.[86] Nonetheless, Geoffrey and Matilda took the opportunity to march into southern Normandy and seize a number of key castles around Argentan that had formed Matilda's disputed dowry.[87] They then stopped, unable to advance further, pillaging the countryside and facing increased resistance from the Norman nobility and a rebellion in Anjou itself.[88] Matilda was by now also pregnant with her third son, William; opinions vary among historians as to what extent this affected her military plans.[89][nb 11] Meanwhile, news of Henry's death had reached Stephen of Blois, conveniently placed in Boulogne, and he left for England, accompanied by his military household. Robert of Gloucester had garrisoned the ports of Dover and Canterbury and some accounts suggest that they refused Stephen access when he first arrived.[90] Nonetheless Stephen reached the edge of London by 8 December and over the next week he began to seize power in England.[91] The crowds in London proclaimed Stephen the new monarch, believing that he would grant the city new rights and privileges in return, and his brother, Henry of Blois, the Bishop of Winchester, delivered the support of the Church to Stephen.[92] Stephen had sworn to support Matilda in 1127, but Henry convincingly argued that the late King had been wrong to insist that his court take the oath, and suggested that the King had changed his mind on his deathbed.[93][nb 12] Stephen's coronation was held a week later at Westminster Abbey on 26 December.[95] Following the news that Stephen was gathering support in England, the Norman nobility had gathered at Le Neubourg to discuss declaring his elder brother Theobald king.[96] The Normans argued that the count, as the eldest grandson of William the Conqueror, had the most valid claim over the kingdom and the Duchy, and was certainly preferable to Matilda.[97] Their discussions were interrupted by the sudden news from England that Stephen's coronation was to occur the next day.[95] Theobald's support immediately ebbed away, as the barons were not prepared to support the division of England and Normandy by opposing Stephen.[98][nb 13] Matilda gave birth to her third son William on 22 July 1136 at Argentan, and she then operated out of the border region for the next three years, establishing her household knights on estates around the area.[100] Matilda may have asked Ulger, the Bishop of Angers, to garner support for her claim with the Pope in Rome, but if she did, Ulger was unsuccessful.[101] Geoffrey invaded Normandy in early 1136 and, after a temporary truce, invaded again later the same year, raiding and burning estates rather than trying to hold the territory.[102] Stephen returned to the Duchy in 1137, where he met with Louis VI and Theobald to agree to an informal alliance against Geoffrey and Matilda, to counter the growing Angevin power in the region.[103] Stephen formed an army to retake Matilda's Argentan castles, but frictions between his Flemish mercenary forces and the local Norman barons resulted in a battle between the two-halves of his army.[104] The Norman forces then deserted the King, forcing Stephen to give up his campaign.[105] Stephen agreed to another truce with Geoffrey, promising to pay him 2,000 marks a year in exchange for peace along the Norman borders.[102] In England, Stephen's reign started off well, with lavish gatherings of the royal court that saw the King give out grants of land and favours to his supporters.[106] Stephen received the support of Pope Innocent II, thanks in part to the testimony of Louis VI and Theobald.[107] Troubles rapidly began to emerge. Matilda's uncle, David I of Scotland, invaded the north of England on the news of Henry's death, taking Carlisle, Newcastle and other key strongholds.[94] Stephen rapidly marched north with an army and met David at Durham, where a temporary compromise was agreed.[108] South Wales rose in rebellion, and by 1137 Stephen was forced to abandon attempts to suppress the revolt.[109] Stephen put down two revolts in the south-west led by Baldwin de Redvers and Robert of Bampton; Baldwin was released after his capture and travelled to Normandy, where he became a vocal critic of the King.[110] Revolt Matilda's half-brother, Robert of Gloucester, was one of the most powerful Anglo-Norman barons, controlling estates in Normandy as well as the Earldom of Gloucester.[111] In 1138, he rebelled against Stephen, starting the descent into civil war in England.[112] Robert renounced his fealty to the King and declared his support for Matilda, which triggered a major regional rebellion in Kent and across the south-west of England, although he himself remained in Normandy.[113] Matilda had not been particularly active in asserting her claims to the throne since 1135 and in many ways it was Robert who took the initiative in declaring war in 1138.[114] In France, Geoffrey took advantage of the situation by re-invading Normandy. David of Scotland also invaded the north of England once again, announcing that he was supporting the claim of Matilda to the throne, pushing south into Yorkshire.[115][nb 14] Stephen responded quickly to the revolts and invasions, paying most attention to England rather than to Normandy. His wife Matilda was sent to Kent with ships and resources from Boulogne, with the task of retaking the key port of Dover, under Robert's control.[111] A small number of Stephen's household knights were sent north to help the fight against the Scots, where David's forces were defeated later that year at the Battle of the Standard.[115] Despite this victory, however, David still occupied most of the north.[115] Stephen himself went west in an attempt to regain control of Gloucestershire, first striking north into the Welsh Marches, taking Hereford and Shrewsbury, before heading south to Bath.[111] The town of Bristol itself proved too strong for him, and Stephen contented himself with raiding and pillaging the surrounding area.[111] The rebels appear to have expected Robert to intervene with support, but he remained in Normandy throughout the year, trying to persuade the Empress Matilda to invade England herself.[116] Dover finally surrendered to the Queen's forces later in the year.[117] By 1139, an invasion of England by Robert and Matilda appeared imminent. Geoffrey and Matilda had secured much of Normandy and, together with Robert, spent the beginning of the year mobilising forces for a cross-Channel expedition.[118] Matilda also appealed to the papacy at the start of the year; her representative, Bishop Ulger, put forward her legal claim to the English throne on the grounds of her hereditary right and the oaths sworn by the barons.[119] Arnulf of Lisieux led Stephen's case, arguing that because Matilda's mother had really been a nun, her claim to the throne was illegitimate.[120] The Pope declined to reverse his earlier support for Stephen, but from Matilda's perspective the case usefully established that Stephen's claim was disputed.[120] Civil War A colour coded map of England showing the political factions in 1140 Political map of Wales and southern England in 1140; areas under Matilda's control (blue); Stephen's (red); Welsh (grey) Empress Matilda's invasion finally began at the end of the summer of 1139. Baldwin de Redvers crossed over from Normandy to Wareham in August in an initial attempt to capture a port to receive Matilda's invading army, but Stephen's forces forced him to retreat into the south-west.[121] The following month, the Empress was invited by her stepmother, Queen Adeliza, to land at Arundel instead, and on 30 September Robert of Gloucester and Matilda arrived in England with a force of 140 knights.[121][nb 15] Matilda stayed at Arundel Castle, while Robert marched north-west to Wallingford and Bristol, hoping to raise support for the rebellion and to link up with Miles of Gloucester, who took the opportunity to renounce his fealty to the King and declare for Matilda.[123] Stephen responded by promptly moving south, besieging Arundel and trapping Matilda inside the castle.[124] Stephen then agreed to a truce proposed by his brother, Henry of Blois; the full details of the agreement are not known, but the results were that Matilda and her household of knights were released from the siege and escorted to the south-west of England, where they were reunited with Robert of Gloucester.[124] The reasons for Matilda's release remain unclear. Stephen may have thought it was in his own best interests to release the Empress and concentrate instead on attacking Robert, seeing Robert, rather than Matilda, as his main opponent at this point in the conflict.[124] Arundel Castle was also considered almost impregnable, and Stephen may have been worried that he risked tying down his army in the south whilst Robert roamed freely in the west.[125] Another theory is that Stephen released Matilda out of a sense of chivalry; Stephen had a generous, courteous personality and women were not normally expected to be targeted in Anglo-Norman warfare.[126][nb 16] After staying for a period in Robert's stronghold of Bristol, Matilda established her court in nearby Gloucester, still safely in the south-west but far enough away for her to remain independent of her half-brother.[128] Although there had been only a few new defections to her cause, Matilda still controlled a compact block of territory stretching out from Gloucester and Bristol south into Wiltshire, west into the Welsh Marches and east through the Thames Valley as far as Oxford and Wallingford, threatening London.[129] Her influence extended down into Devon and Cornwall, and north through Herefordshire, but her authority in these areas remained limited.[130] She faced a counterattack from Stephen, who started by attacking Wallingford Castle which controlled the Thames corridor; it was held by Brian Fitz Count and Stephen found it too well defended.[131] Stephen continued into Wiltshire to attack Trowbridge, taking the castles of South Cerney and Malmesbury en route.[132] In response, Miles marched east, attacking Stephen's rearguard forces at Wallingford and threatening an advance on London.[133] Stephen was forced to give up his western campaign, returning east to stabilise the situation and protect his capital.[134] At the start of 1140, Nigel, the Bishop of Ely, joined Matilda's faction.[134] Hoping to seize East Anglia, he established his base of operations in the Isle of Ely, then surrounded by protective fenland.[134] Nigel faced a rapid response from Stephen, who made a surprise attack on the isle, forcing the Bishop to flee to Gloucester.[135] Robert of Gloucester's men retook some of the territory that Stephen had taken in his 1139 campaign.[136] In an effort to negotiate a truce, Henry of Blois held a peace conference at Bath, at which Matilda was represented by Robert.[137] The conference collapsed after Henry and the clergy insisted that they should set the terms of any peace deal, which Stephen's representatives found unacceptable.[136] Battle of Lincoln Matilda's fortunes changed dramatically for the better at the start of 1141.[138] Ranulf of Chester, a powerful northern magnate, had fallen out with the King over the winter and Stephen had placed his castle in Lincoln under siege. In response, Robert of Gloucester and Ranulf advanced on Stephen's position with a larger force, resulting in the Battle of Lincoln on 2 February 1141.[139] The King commanded the centre of his army, with Alan of Brittany on his right and William of Aumale on his left.[140] Robert and Ranulf's forces had a superiority in cavalry and Stephen dismounted many of his own knights to form a solid infantry block.[140][nb 17] After an initial success in which William's forces destroyed the Angevins' Welsh infantry, the battle went well for Matilda's forces.[142] Robert and Ranulf's cavalry encircled Stephen's centre, and the King found himself surrounded by the Angevin army.[142] After much fighting, Robert's soldiers finally overwhelmed Stephen and he was taken away from the field in custody.[143] Matilda received Stephen in person at her court in Gloucester, before having him moved to Bristol Castle, traditionally used for holding high-status prisoners.[144] Matilda now began to take the necessary steps to have herself crowned queen in his place, which would require the agreement of the Church and her coronation at Westminster.[145] Stephen's brother Henry summoned a council at Winchester before Easter in his capacity as papal legate to consider the clergy's view. Matilda had made a private deal with Henry that he would deliver the support of the Church in exchange for being granted control over Church affairs.[146] Henry handed over the royal treasury to her, which proved to be rather depleted except for Stephen's crown, and he excommunicated many of her enemies who refused to switch sides.[147] Archbishop Theobald of Canterbury was unwilling to declare Matilda queen so rapidly, however, and a delegation of clergy and nobles, headed by Theobald, travelled to Bristol to see Stephen, who agreed that, given the situation, he was prepared to release his subjects from their oath of fealty to him.[146][148] The clergy gathered again in Winchester after Easter and declared Matilda the "Lady of England and Normandy" as a precursor to her coronation.[148] Although Matilda's own followers attended the event, few other major nobles seem to have attended and the delegation from London procrastinated.[149] Stephen's wife, Queen Matilda, wrote to complain and demand her husband's release.[150] Nonetheless, Matilda then advanced to London to arrange her coronation in June, where her position became precarious.[151] Despite securing the support of Geoffrey de Mandeville, who controlled the Tower of London, forces loyal to Stephen and Queen Matilda remained close to the city and the citizens were fearful about welcoming the Empress.[152] On 24 June, shortly before the planned coronation, the city rose up against the Empress and Geoffrey de Mandeville; Matilda and her followers fled just in time, making a chaotic retreat back to Oxford.[153] Meanwhile, Geoffrey of Anjou invaded Normandy again and, in the absence of Waleran of Beaumont, who was still fighting in England, Geoffrey took all the Duchy south of the River Seine and east of the Risle.[154] No help was forthcoming from Stephen's brother Theobald this time either, who appears to have been preoccupied with his own problems with France-the new French king, Louis VII, had rejected his father's regional alliance, improving relations with Anjou and taking a more bellicose line with Theobald, which would result in war the following year.[155] Geoffrey's success in Normandy and Stephen's weakness in England began to influence the loyalty of many Anglo-Norman barons, who feared losing their lands in England to Robert and the Empress, and their possessions in Normandy to Geoffrey.[156] Many started to leave Stephen's faction. His friend and advisor Waleran was one of those who decided to defect in mid-1141, crossing into Normandy to secure his ancestral possessions by allying himself with the Angevins, and bringing Worcestershire into the Empress's camp.[157] Waleran's twin brother, Robert of Leicester, effectively withdrew from fighting in the conflict at the same time. Other supporters of the Empress were restored in their former strongholds, such as Bishop Nigel of Ely, and still others received new earldoms in the west of England. The royal control over the minting of coins broke down, leading to coins being struck by local barons and bishops across the country.[158] Rout of Winchester and the Siege of Oxford Matilda's position was transformed by her defeat at the Rout of Winchester. Her alliance with Henry of Blois proved short-lived and they soon fell out over political patronage and ecclesiastical policy; the Bishop transferred his support back to Stephen's cause.[159] In response, in July Matilda and Robert of Gloucester besieged Henry of Blois in his episcopal castle at Winchester, using the royal castle in the city as the base for their operations.[160] Stephen's wife, Queen Matilda, had kept his cause alive in the south-east of England, and the Queen, backed by her lieutenant William of Ypres and reinforced with fresh troops from London, took the opportunity to advance on Winchester.[161] Their forces encircled Matilda's army.[162] Matilda decided to escape from the city with Fitz Count and Reginald of Cornwall, while the rest of her army delayed the royal forces.[163] In the subsequent battle the Empress's forces were defeated and Robert of Gloucester himself was taken prisoner during the retreat, although Matilda herself escaped, exhausted, to her fortress at Devizes.[164] With both Stephen and Robert held prisoner, negotiations were held to try to come to agreement on a long-term peace settlement, but Queen Matilda was unwilling to offer any compromise to the Empress, and Robert refused to accept any offer to encourage him to change sides to Stephen.[165] Instead, in November the two sides simply exchanged the two leaders, Stephen returning to his queen, and Robert to the Empress in Oxford.[166] Henry held another church council, which reversed its previous decision and reaffirmed Stephen's legitimacy to rule, and a fresh coronation of Stephen and Matilda occurred at Christmas 1141.[165] Stephen travelled north to raise new forces and to successfully persuade Ranulf of Chester to change sides once again.[167] Stephen then spent the summer attacking some of the new Angevin castles built the previous year, including Cirencester, Bampton and Wareham.[168] During the summer of 1142 Robert returned to Normandy to assist Geoffrey with operations against some of Stephen's remaining followers there, before returning in the autumn.[169] Matilda came under increased pressure from Stephen's forces and was surrounded at Oxford.[168] Oxford was a secure town, protected by walls and the River Isis, but Stephen led a sudden attack across the river, leading the charge and swimming part of the way.[170] Once on the other side, the King and his men stormed into the town, trapping Matilda in the castle.[170] Oxford Castle was a powerful fortress and, rather than storming it, Stephen decided to settle down for a long siege.[170] Just before Christmas, Matilda sneaked out of the castle with a handful of knights (probably via a postern gate), crossed the icy river on foot and made her escape past the royal army to safety at Wallingford, leaving the castle garrison free to surrender the next day.[171][nb 18] Stalemate In the aftermath of the retreat from Winchester, Matilda rebuilt her court at Devizes Castle, a former property of the Bishop of Salisbury that had been confiscated by Stephen.[173] She established her household knights on the surrounding estates, supported by Flemish mercenaries, ruling through the network of local sheriffs and other officials.[174] Many of those that had lost lands in the regions held by the King travelled west to take up patronage from Matilda.[175] Backed by the pragmatic Robert of Gloucester, Matilda was content to engage in a drawn-out struggle, and the war soon entered a stalemate.[176] At first, the balance of power appeared to move slightly in Matilda's favour.[177] Robert of Gloucester besieged Stephen in 1143 at Wilton Castle, an assembly point for royal forces in Herefordshire.[178] Stephen attempted to break out and escape, resulting in the Battle of Wilton. Once again, the Angevin cavalry proved too strong, and for a moment it appeared that Stephen might be captured for a second time, before finally managing to escape.[179] Later in the year Geoffrey de Mandeville, the Earl of Essex, rose up in rebellion against Stephen in East Anglia.[180] Geoffrey based himself from the Isle of Ely and began a military campaign against Cambridge, with the intention of progressing south towards London.[181] Ranulf of Chester revolted once again in the summer of 1144.[182] Meanwhile, Geoffrey of Anjou finished securing his hold on southern Normandy, and in January 1144 he advanced into Rouen, the capital of the Duchy, concluding his campaign.[167] Louis VII recognised him as Duke of Normandy shortly after.[183] Despite these successes, Matilda was unable to consolidate her position.[184] Miles of Gloucester, one of the most talented of her military commanders, had died while hunting over the previous Christmas.[185] Geoffrey de Mandeville's rebellion against Stephen in the east ended with his death in September 1144 during an attack on Burwell Castle.[186] As a result, Stephen made progress against Matilda's forces in the west in 1145, recapturing Faringdon Castle in Oxfordshire.[186] Matilda authorised Reginald, the Earl of Cornwall, to attempt fresh peace negotiations, but neither side was prepared to compromise.[187] Conclusion of the war The character of the conflict in England gradually began to shift; by the late 1140s, the major fighting in the war was over, giving way to an intractable stalemate, with only the occasional outbreak of fresh fighting.[188] Several of Matilda's key supporters died: in 1147 Robert of Gloucester died peacefully, and Brian Fitz Count gradually withdrew from public life, probably eventually joining a monastery; by 1151 he was dead.[189] Many of Matilda's other followers joined the Second Crusade when it was announced in 1145, leaving the region for several years.[188] Some of the Anglo-Norman barons made individual peace agreements with each other to secure their lands and war gains, and many were not keen to pursue any further conflict.[190] Matilda's eldest son Henry slowly began to assume a leading role in the conflict.[191] He had remained in France when the Empress first left for England.[192] He crossed over to England in 1142, before returning to Anjou in 1144.[192] Geoffrey of Anjou expected Henry to become the King of England and began to involve him in the government of the family lands.[193] In 1147, Henry intervened in England with a small mercenary army but the expedition failed, not least because Henry lacked the funds to pay his men.[188] Henry asked his mother for money, but she refused, stating that she had none available.[194] In the end Stephen himself ended up paying off Henry's mercenaries, allowing him to return home safely; his reasons for doing so remain unclear.[195][nb 19] Matilda decided to return to Normandy in 1148, partially due to her difficulties with the Church.[196] The Empress had occupied the strategically essential Devizes Castle in 1142, maintaining her court there, but legally it still belonged to Josceline de Bohon, the Bishop of Salisbury, and in late 1146 Pope Eugene III intervened to support his claims, threatening Matilda with excommunication if she did not return it.[196] Matilda first played for time, then left for Normandy in early 1148, leaving the castle to Henry, who then procrastinated over its return for many years.[197] Matilda re-established her court in Rouen, where she met with her sons and husband and probably made arrangements for her future life in Normandy, and for Henry's next expedition to England.[198] Matilda chose to live in the priory of Notre Dame du Pré, situated just south of Rouen, where she lived in personal quarters attached to the priory and in a nearby palace built by Henry.[199] Matilda increasingly devoted her efforts to the administration of Normandy, rather than the war in England.[200] Geoffrey sent the Bishop of Thérouanne to Rome in 1148 to campaign for Henry's right to the English throne, and opinion within the English Church gradually shifted in Henry's favour.[201] Matilda and Geoffrey made peace with Louis VII, who in return supported Henry's rights to Normandy.[202] Geoffrey died unexpectedly in 1151, and Henry claimed the family lands.[203] Henry returned to England once again at the start of 1153 with a small army, winning the support of some of the major regional barons.[204] Neither side's army was keen to fight, however, and the Church brokered a truce; a permanent peace followed, under which Henry recognised Stephen as king, but became Stephen's adopted son and successor.[205] Meanwhile, Normandy faced considerable disorder and the threat of baronial revolt, which Matilda was unable to totally suppress.[206] Stephen died the next year, and Henry assumed the throne; his coronation used the grander of the two imperial crowns that Matilda had brought back from Germany in 1125.[207] Once Henry had been crowned, the troubles facing Matilda in Normandy died away.[206] Later life Matilda spent the rest of her life in Normandy, often acting as Henry's representative and presiding over the government of the Duchy.[208] Early on, Matilda and her son issued charters in England and Normandy in their joint names, dealing with the various land claims that had arisen during the wars.[208] Particularly in the initial years of his reign, the King drew on her for advice on policy matters.[209] Matilda was involved in attempts to mediate between Henry and his Chancellor Thomas Becket when the two men fell out in the 1160s.[13] Matilda had originally cautioned against the appointment, but when the Prior of Mont St Jacques asked her for a private interview on Becket's behalf to seek her views, she provided a moderate perspective on the problem.[13] Matilda explained that she disagreed with Henry's attempts to codify English customs, which Becket was opposed to, but also condemned poor administration in the English Church and Becket's own headstrong behaviour.[13] Matilda helped to deal with several diplomatic crises. The first of these involved the Hand of St James, the relic which Matilda had brought back with her from Germany many years before.[210] Frederick I, the Holy Roman Emperor, considered the hand to be part of the imperial regalia and requested that Henry return it to Germany.[211] Matilda and Henry were equally insistent that it should remain at Reading Abbey, where it had become a popular attraction for visiting pilgrims.[211] Frederick was bought off with an alternative set of expensive gifts from England, including a huge, luxurious tent, probably chosen by Matilda, which Frederick used for court events in Italy.[212] She was also approached by Louis VII of France, in 1164, and helped to defuse a growing diplomatic row over the handling of Crusading funds.[13] In her old age Matilda paid increasing attention to Church affairs and her personal faith, although she remained involved in governing Normandy throughout her life.[213] Matilda appears to have had particular fondness for her youngest son William.[214] She opposed Henry's proposal in 1155 to invade Ireland and give the lands to William, however, possibly on the grounds that the project was impractical, and instead William received large grants of land in England.[13] Matilda was more easy-going in her later life than in her youth, but the chronicler of Mont St Jacques, who met her during this period, still felt that she appeared to be "of the stock of tyrants".[215] Death Matilda died on 10 September 1167, and her remaining wealth was given to the Church.[216][nb 20] She was buried under the high altar at the abbey of Bec-Hellouin in a service led by Rotrou, the Archbishop of Rouen.[217] Her tomb's epitaph included the lines "Great by birth, greater by marriage, greatest in her offspring: here lies Matilda, the daughter, wife, and mother of Henry", which became a famous phrase among her contemporaries.[218][nb 21] This tomb was damaged in a fire in 1263 and later restored in 1282, before finally being destroyed by an English army in 1421.[219] In 1684 the Congregation of St. Maur identified some of her remaining bones and reburied them at Bec-Hellouin in a new coffin.[219] Her remains were lost again after the destruction of Bec-Hellouin's church by Napoleon, but were found once more in 1846 and this time reburied at Rouen Cathedral, where they remain.[219] Matilda as ruler In the Holy Roman Empire, the young Matilda's court included knights, chaplains and ladies-in-waiting, although, unlike some queens of the period, she did not have her own personal chancellor to run her household, instead using the imperial chancellor.[24] When acting as regent in Italy, she found the local rulers were prepared to accept a female ruler.[220] Her Italian administration included the Italian chancellor, backed by experienced administrators.[220] She was not called upon to make any major decisions, instead dealing with smaller matters and acting as the symbolic representative of her absent husband, meeting with and helping to negotiate with magnates and clergy.[221] On her return from Germany to Normandy and Anjou, she styled herself as empress and the daughter of King Henry.[222] During the civil war for England, her status was uncertain. The Anglo-Saxon queens of England had exercised considerable formal power, but this tradition had diminished under the Normans: at most their queens ruled temporarily as regents on their husbands' behalf when they were away travelling, rather than in their own right.[223] Initially between 1139 and 1141 Matilda referred to herself as acting as a feme sole, "a woman acting alone", highlighting her autonomy and independence from her husband Geoffrey.[224] She had an imperial great seal created, which was round like the seal of a king - queens used an oval seal - but which showed Matilda enthroned as an empress and titled as the Queen of the Romans.[225] The seal did not show her on horseback, however, as a male ruler would have been depicted.[225] Since she was never crowned at Westminster, during the rest of the war she appears to have used her title of Lady of the English, rather than that of the Queen of England, although some contemporaries referred to her by the royal title.[226] Matilda presented herself as continuing the English tradition of centralised royal government, and attempted to maintain a government in England parallel to Stephen's, including a royal household and a chancellor.[227] Matilda gathered revenues from the royal estates in the counties under her control, particularly in her core territories where the sheriffs were loyal to her cause.[228] She appointed earls to rival those created by Stephen.[229] She was unable to operate a system of royal law courts, however, and her administrative resources were extremely limited, although some of her clerks went on to become bishops in Normandy.[230] Matilda issued two types of coins in her name during her time in England, which were used in the west of England and Wales.[231] The first were initially minted in Oxford during her stay there, and the design was then adopted by her mints at Bristol, Cardiff and Wareham after her victory at the Battle of Lincoln.[231] A second design was minted at Bristol and Cardiff during the 1140s.[231] On returning to Normandy for the last time in 1148, Matilda ceased to use the title Lady of the English, simply styling herself as empress again; she never adopted the title of Countess of Anjou.[232] Matilda's household became smaller, and often merged with Henry's own court when the two were co-located in Rouen.[233] She continued to play a special role in the government of the area around Argentan, where she held feudal rights from the grants made at the time of her second marriage.[234] Relations with the Church It is unclear how strong Matilda's personal piety was, although contemporaries praised her lifelong preference to be buried at the monastic site of Bec rather than the grander but more worldly Rouen, and believed her to have substantial, underlying religious beliefs.[235] Like other members of the Anglo-Norman nobility, she bestowed considerable patronage on the Church.[236] Early on in her life, she preferred the well-established Benedictine monastery of Cluny alongside some of the newer Augustinian orders, such as the Victorines and Premonstratensians.[237] As part of this patronage, she re-founded the abbey of Notre-Dame-du-Vœu near Cherbourg.[238] As time went by, Matilda directed more of her attention to the Cistercian order. This order was very fashionable in England and Normandy during the period, and was dedicated to the Virgin Mary, a figure of particular importance to Matilda.[239] She had close links to the Cistercian Mortemer Abbey in Normandy, and drew on the house for a supply of monks when she supported the foundation of nearby La Valasse.[240] She encouraged the Cistercians to build at Mortemer on a grand scale, with guest houses to accommodate a range of visitors of all ranks, and may have played a part in selecting the paintings for the monastic chapels.[241] Legacy Historiography Contemporary chroniclers in England, France, Germany and Italy documented many aspects of Matilda's life, although the only biography of her, apparently written by Arnulf of Lisieux, has been lost.[242] The chroniclers took a range of perspectives on her.[242] In Germany, the chroniclers praised Matilda extensively and her reputation as the "good Matilda" remained positive.[13] During the years of the Anarchy, works such as the Gesta Stephani took a much more negative tone, praising Stephen and condemning Matilda.[243] Once Henry II assumed the throne, the tone of the chroniclers towards Matilda became more positive.[244] Legends spread in the years after Matilda's death, including the suggestion that her first husband, Henry, had not died but had in fact secretly become a hermit - making Matilda's second marriage illegitimate - and a tale that Matilda had an affair with Stephen, resulting in the conception of Henry II.[245] Tudor scholars were interested in Matilda's right of succession.[246] According to 16th century standards, Matilda had a clear right to the English throne, and academics therefore struggled to explain why Matilda had acquiesced to her son Henry's kingship at the end of the war, rather than ruling directly herself.[247] By the 18th century, historians such as David Hume had a much better understanding of the irregular nature of 12th century law and custom and this question became less relevant.[248] By the 19th century, the archival sources on Matilda's life, including charters, foundation histories, and letters, were being uncovered and analysed.[249] Historians Kate Norgate, Sir James Ramsay and J. H. Round used these to produce new, richer accounts of Matilda and the civil war; Ramsay's account, using the Gesta Stephani, was not complimentary, while Norgate, drawing on French sources, was more neutral in tone.[250] The German academic Oskar Rössler's 1897 biography drew heavily on German charters, not extensively used by Anglophone historians.[251] Matilda has attracted relatively little attention from modern English academics, being treated as a marginal figure in comparison to other contemporaries, particularly her rival Stephen, in contrast to the work carried out by German scholars on her time in the Empire.[252] Popular, but not always accurate, biographies were written by the Earl of Onslow in 1939 and Nesta Pain in 1978, but the only major academic biography in English remains Marjorie Chibnall's 1991 work.[253] Interpretations of Matilda's character have shifted over time, but there is, as Chibnall describes, a "general agreement that she was either proud or at least keenly conscious of the high status of an empress".[254] Like both Henry I and Henry II, Matilda had a certain autocratic grandeur, which was combined with a firm moral belief in her cause; ultimately however she was limited by the political conventions of the 12th century.[255] The treatment of Matilda by modern historians has been challenged by feminist scholars, including Fiona Tolhurst, who believe some traditional assumptions about her role and personality show gender bias.[256] In this interpretation, Matilda has been unfairly criticised for showing qualities that have been considered praiseworthy when seen in her male contemporaries.[257] | Normandie, Empress, Matilda of England (I7998)
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| 4275 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Normandie-43 BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS.ORG: Robert was the second son of Richard II 'the Good', duke of Normandy and Judith de Bretagne, daughter of Conon I 'le Tort', duc de Bretagne and Ermengarde d'Anjou. When his father died in 1027, Robert's elder brother Richard succeeded, while he became count of Hiémois. When Richard died a year later, there were great suspicions that Robert had Richard murdered, the origin of his epithet, Robert 'le diable' (Robert 'the Devil'). Robert aided Henri I of France against Henri's rebellious brother and mother, and for his help he was given the territory of the Vexin. He also intervened in the affairs of Flanders, supported England's Edward 'the Confessor', who was then in exile at Robert's court, and sponsored monastic reform in Normandy. By his mistress Harlette/Herleve, daughter of Fulbert de Falaise, Robert was father of two children, the future William 'the Conqueror' and Adela of Normandy, both of whom would have progeny. After making his illegitimate son William his heir, Robert set out on pilgrimage to Jerusalem. According to the _Gesta Normannorum Ducum_ he travelled by way of Constantinople, reached Jerusalem and died on the return journey at Nicaea in Turkey on 22 July 1035. His son William, aged about eight, succeeded him. According to the chronicler William of Malmesbury (1080-1143), around 1086 William sent a mission to Constantinople and Nicaea, charging it with bringing his father's body back to be buried in Normandy. Permission was granted, but having travelled as far as Apulia (Italy) on the return journey, the envoys learned that William had died. They then decided to re-inter Robert's body in Italy. | Normandie, Robert I Duke of Normandy (I8059)
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| 4276 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Normandie-45 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia King of England Reign 5 August 1100 - 1 December 1135 Coronation 5 August 1100 Predecessor William II Successor Stephen Duke of Normandy Tenure 1106 - 1 December 1135 Predecessor Robert Curthose Successor Stephen Born c. 1068 Possibly Selby, Yorkshire Died 1 December 1135 (aged 66-67) Saint-Denis-en-Lyons, Normandy Burial Reading Abbey Spouse Matilda of Scotland (m. 1100; died 1118) Adeliza of Louvain (m. 1121) Issue Matilda, Holy Roman Empress William Adelin Robert, 1st Earl of Gloucester Alice FitzRoy Gilbert FitzRoy Matilda FitzRoy, Countess of Perche Fulk FitzRoy Sybilla, Queen of Scots Reginald de Dunstanville, 1st Earl of Cornwall Robert FitzEdith Henry FitzRoy Matilda FitzRoy, Abbess of Montvilliers House Normandy Father William I of England Mother Matilda of Flanders Religion Roman Catholicism Henry I (c. 1068 - 1 December 1135), also known as Henry Beauclerc, was King of England from 1100 to his death in 1135. He was the fourth son of William the Conqueror and was educated in Latin and the liberal arts. On William's death in 1087, Henry's elder brothers Robert Curthose and William Rufus inherited Normandy and England, respectively, but Henry was left landless. He purchased the County of Cotentin in western Normandy from Robert, but his brothers deposed him in 1091. He gradually rebuilt his power base in the Cotentin and allied himself with William against Robert. Present at the place where William died in a hunting accident in 1100, Henry seized the English throne, promising at his coronation to correct many of William's less popular policies. He married Matilda of Scotland and they had two surviving children, William Adelin and Empress Matilda; he also had many illegitimate children by his many mistresses. Robert, who invaded in 1101, disputed Henry's control of England; this military campaign ended in a negotiated settlement that confirmed Henry as king. The peace was short-lived, and Henry invaded the Duchy of Normandy in 1105 and 1106, finally defeating Robert at the Battle of Tinchebray. Henry kept Robert imprisoned for the rest of his life. Henry's control of Normandy was challenged by Louis VI of France, Baldwin VII of Flanders and Fulk V of Anjou, who promoted the rival claims of Robert's son, William Clito, and supported a major rebellion in the Duchy between 1116 and 1119. Following Henry's victory at the Battle of Brémule, a favourable peace settlement was agreed with Louis in 1120. Considered by contemporaries to be a harsh but effective ruler, Henry skilfully manipulated the barons in England and Normandy. In England, he drew on the existing Anglo-Saxon system of justice, local government and taxation, but also strengthened it with additional institutions, including the royal exchequer and itinerant justices. Normandy was also governed through a growing system of justices and an exchequer. Many of the officials who ran Henry's system were "new men" of obscure backgrounds rather than from families of high status, who rose through the ranks as administrators. Henry encouraged ecclesiastical reform, but became embroiled in a serious dispute in 1101 with Archbishop Anselm of Canterbury, which was resolved through a compromise solution in 1105. He supported the Cluniac order and played a major role in the selection of the senior clergy in England and Normandy. Henry's son William drowned in the White Ship disaster of 1120, throwing the royal succession into doubt. Henry took a second wife, Adeliza of Louvain, in the hope of having another son, but their marriage was childless. In response to this, he declared his daughter Matilda his heir and married her to Geoffrey of Anjou. The relationship between Henry and the couple became strained, and fighting broke out along the border with Anjou. Henry died on 1 December 1135 after a week of illness. Despite his plans for Matilda, the King was succeeded by his nephew, Stephen of Blois, resulting in a period of civil war known as the Anarchy. Early life, 1068-1099 Childhood and appearance, 1068-86 Henry was probably born in England in 1068, in either the summer or the last weeks of the year, possibly in the town of Selby in Yorkshire.[1][nb 1] His father was William the Conqueror, the Duke of Normandy who had invaded England in 1066 to become the King of England, establishing lands stretching into Wales. The invasion had created an Anglo-Norman ruling class, many with estates on both sides of the English Channel.[2] These Anglo-Norman barons typically had close links to the kingdom of France, which was then a loose collection of counties and smaller polities, under only the minimal control of the king.[3] Henry's mother, Matilda of Flanders, was the granddaughter of Robert II of France, and she probably named Henry after her uncle, King Henry I of France.[4] Henry was the youngest of William and Matilda's four sons. Physically he resembled his older brothers Robert Curthose, Richard and William Rufus, being, as historian David Carpenter describes, "short, stocky and barrel-chested," with black hair.[5] As a result of their age differences and Richard's early death, Henry would have probably seen relatively little of his older brothers.[6] He probably knew his sister Adela well, as the two were close in age.[7] There is little documentary evidence for his early years; historians Warren Hollister and Kathleen Thompson suggest he was brought up predominantly in England, while Judith Green argues he was initially brought up in the Duchy.[8][nb 2] He was probably educated by the Church, possibly by Bishop Osmund, the King's chancellor, at Salisbury Cathedral; it is uncertain if this indicated an intent by his parents for Henry to become a member of the clergy.[10][nb 3] It is also uncertain how far Henry's education extended, but he was probably able to read Latin and had some background in the liberal arts.[11] He was given military training by an instructor called Robert Achard, and Henry was knighted by his father on 24 May 1086.[12] Inheritance, 1087-88 13th century picture 13th-century depiction of Henry In 1087, William was fatally injured during a campaign in the Vexin.[13] Henry joined his dying father near Rouen in September, where the King partitioned his possessions among his sons.[14] The rules of succession in western Europe at the time were uncertain; in some parts of France, primogeniture, in which the eldest son would inherit a title, was growing in popularity.[15] In other parts of Europe, including Normandy and England, the tradition was for lands to be divided up, with the eldest son taking patrimonial lands - usually considered to be the most valuable - and younger sons given smaller, or more recently acquired, partitions or estates.[15] In dividing his lands, William appears to have followed the Norman tradition, distinguishing between Normandy, which he had inherited, and England, which he had acquired through war.[16] William's second son, Richard, had died in a hunting accident, leaving Henry and his two brothers to inherit William's estate. Robert, the eldest, despite being in armed rebellion against his father at the time of his death, received Normandy.[17] England was given to William Rufus, who was in favour with the dying king.[17] Henry was given a large sum of money, usually reported as £5,000, with the expectation that he would also be given his mother's modest set of lands in Buckinghamshire and Gloucestershire.[18][nb 4] William's funeral at Caen was marred by angry complaints from a local man, and Henry may have been responsible for resolving the dispute by buying off the protester with silver.[20] Robert returned to Normandy, expecting to have been given both the Duchy and England, to find that William Rufus had crossed the Channel and been crowned king.[21] The two brothers disagreed fundamentally over the inheritance, and Robert soon began to plan an invasion of England to seize the kingdom, helped by a rebellion by some of the leading nobles against William Rufus.[22] Henry remained in Normandy and took up a role within Robert's court, possibly either because he was unwilling to side openly with William Rufus, or because Robert might have taken the opportunity to confiscate Henry's inherited money if he had tried to leave.[21][nb 5] William Rufus sequestered Henry's new estates in England, leaving Henry landless.[24] In 1088, Robert's plans for the invasion of England began to falter, and he turned to Henry, proposing that his brother lend him some of his inheritance, which Henry refused.[25] Henry and Robert then came to an alternative arrangement, in which Robert would make Henry the count of western Normandy, in exchange for £3,000.[25][nb 6] Henry's lands were a new countship based around a delegation of the ducal authority in the Cotentin, but it extended across the Avranchin, with control over the bishoprics of both.[27] This also gave Henry influence over two major Norman leaders, Hugh d'Avranches and Richard de Redvers, and the abbey of Mont Saint-Michel, whose lands spread out further across the Duchy.[28] Robert's invasion force failed to leave Normandy, leaving William Rufus secure in England.[29] Count of the Cotentin, 1088-90 Henry quickly established himself as count, building up a network of followers from western Normandy and eastern Brittany, whom historian John Le Patourel has characterised as "Henry's gang".[30] His early supporters included Roger of Mandeville, Richard of Redvers, Richard d'Avranches and Robert Fitzhamon, along with the churchman Roger of Salisbury.[31] Robert attempted to go back on his deal with Henry and re-appropriate the county, but Henry's grip was already sufficiently firm to prevent this.[32] Robert's rule of the Duchy was chaotic, and parts of Henry's lands became almost independent of central control from Rouen.[33] During this period, neither William nor Robert seems to have trusted Henry.[34] Waiting until the rebellion against William Rufus was safely over, Henry returned to England in July 1088.[35] He met with the King but was unable to persuade him to grant him their mother's estates, and travelled back to Normandy in the autumn.[36] While he had been away, however, Odo, the Bishop of Bayeux, who regarded Henry as a potential competitor, had convinced Robert that Henry was conspiring against the duke with William Rufus.[37] On landing, Odo seized Henry and imprisoned him in Neuilly-la-Forêt, and Robert took back the county of the Cotentin.[38] Henry was held there over the winter, but in the spring of 1089 the senior elements of the Normandy nobility prevailed upon Robert to release him.[39] Although no longer formally the Count of Cotentin, Henry continued to control the west of Normandy.[40] The struggle between Henry's brothers continued. William Rufus continued to put down resistance to his rule in England, but began to build a number of alliances against Robert with barons in Normandy and neighbouring Ponthieu.[41] Robert allied himself with Philip I of France.[42] In late 1090 William Rufus encouraged Conan Pilatus, a powerful burgher in Rouen, to rebel against Robert; Conan was supported by most of Rouen and made appeals to the neighbouring ducal garrisons to switch allegiance as well.[43] Robert issued an appeal for help to his barons, and Henry was the first to arrive in Rouen in November.[44] Violence broke out, leading to savage, confused street fighting as both sides attempted to take control of the city.[44] Robert and Henry left the castle to join the battle, but Robert then retreated, leaving Henry to continue the fighting.[45] The battle turned in favour of the ducal forces and Henry took Conan prisoner.[45] Henry was angry that Conan had turned against his feudal lord. He had him taken to the top of Rouen Castle and then, despite Conan's offers to pay a huge ransom, threw him off the top of the castle to his death.[46] Contemporaries considered Henry to have acted appropriately in making an example of Conan, and Henry became famous for his exploits in the battle.[47] Fall and rise, 1091-99 Mont Saint-Michel, site of the 1091 siege In the aftermath, Robert forced Henry to leave Rouen, probably because Henry's role in the fighting had been more prominent than his own, and possibly because Henry had asked to be formally reinstated as the count of the Cotentin.[48] In early 1091, William Rufus invaded Normandy with a sufficiently large army to bring Robert to the negotiating table.[49] The two brothers signed a treaty at Rouen, granting William Rufus a range of lands and castles in Normandy. In return, William Rufus promised to support Robert's attempts to regain control of the neighbouring county of Maine, once under Norman control, and help in regaining control over the Duchy, including Henry's lands.[49] They nominated each other as heirs to England and Normandy, excluding Henry from any succession while either one of them lived.[50] War now broke out between Henry and his brothers.[51] Henry mobilised a mercenary army in the west of Normandy, but as William Rufus and Robert's forces advanced, his network of baronial support melted away.[52] Henry focused his remaining forces at Mont Saint-Michel, where he was besieged, probably in March 1091.[53] The site was easy to defend, but lacked fresh water.[54] The chronicler William of Malmesbury suggested that when Henry's water ran short, Robert allowed his brother fresh supplies, leading to remonstrations between Robert and William Rufus.[55] The events of the final days of the siege are unclear: the besiegers had begun to argue about the future strategy for the campaign, but Henry then abandoned Mont Saint-Michel, probably as part of a negotiated surrender.[56][nb 7] He left for Brittany and crossed over into France.[57] Henry's next steps are not well documented; one chronicler, Orderic Vitalis, suggests that he travelled in the French Vexin, along the Normandy border, for over a year with a small band of followers.[58] By the end of the year, Robert and William Rufus had fallen out once again, and the Treaty of Rouen had been abandoned.[59] In 1092, Henry and his followers seized the Normandy town of Domfront.[60] Domfront had previously been controlled by Robert of Bellême, but the inhabitants disliked his rule and invited Henry to take over the town, which he did in a bloodless coup.[61] Over the next two years, Henry re-established his network of supporters across western Normandy, forming what Judith Green terms a "court in waiting".[62] By 1094, he was allocating lands and castles to his followers as if he were the Duke of Normandy.[63] William Rufus began to support Henry with money, encouraging his campaign against Robert, and Henry used some of this to construct a substantial castle at Domfront.[64] William Rufus crossed into Normandy to take the war to Robert in 1094, and when progress stalled, called upon Henry for assistance.[65] Henry responded, but travelled to London instead of joining the main campaign further east in Normandy, possibly at the request of the King, who in any event abandoned the campaign and returned to England.[66][nb 8] Over the next few years, Henry appears to have strengthened his power base in western Normandy, visiting England occasionally to attend at William Rufus's court.[68] In 1095 Pope Urban II called the First Crusade, encouraging knights from across Europe to join.[67] Robert joined the Crusade, borrowing money from William Rufus to do so, and granting the King temporary custody of his part of the Duchy in exchange.[69] The King appeared confident of regaining the remainder of Normandy from Robert, and Henry appeared ever closer to William Rufus, the pair campaigning together in the Norman Vexin between 1097 and 1098.[70] Early reign, 1100-06 Taking the throne, 1100 On the afternoon of 2 August 1100, the King had gone hunting in the New Forest, accompanied by a team of huntsmen and a number of the Norman nobility, including Henry.[71] An arrow, possibly shot by the baron Walter Tirel, hit and killed William Rufus.[72] Numerous conspiracy theories have been put forward suggesting that the King was killed deliberately; most modern historians reject these, as hunting was a risky activity, and such accidents were common.[73][nb 9] Chaos broke out, and Tirel fled the scene for France, either because he had shot the fatal arrow, or because he had been incorrectly accused and feared that he would be made a scapegoat for the King's death.[72] Henry rode to Winchester, where an argument ensued as to who now had the best claim to the throne.[75] William of Breteuil championed the rights of Robert, who was still abroad, returning from the Crusade, and to whom Henry and the barons had given homage in previous years.[76] Henry argued that, unlike Robert, he had been born to a reigning king and queen, thereby giving him a claim under the right of porphyrogeniture.[77] Tempers flared, but Henry, supported by Henry de Beaumont and Robert of Meulan, held sway and persuaded the barons to follow him.[78] He occupied Winchester Castle and seized the royal treasury.[79] Henry was hastily crowned king in Westminster Abbey on 5 August by Maurice, the Bishop of London, as Anselm, the Archbishop of Canterbury, had been exiled by William Rufus, and Thomas, the Archbishop of York, was in the north of England at Ripon.[80] In accordance with English tradition and in a bid to legitimise his rule, Henry issued a coronation charter laying out various commitments.[81] The new king presented himself as having restored order to a trouble-torn country.[82] He announced that he would abandon William Rufus's policies towards the Church, which had been seen as oppressive by the clergy; he promised to prevent royal abuses of the barons' property rights, and assured a return to the gentler customs of Edward the Confessor; he asserted that he would "establish a firm peace" across England and ordered "that this peace shall henceforth be kept".[83] In addition to his existing circle of supporters, many of whom were richly rewarded with new lands, Henry quickly co-opted many of the existing administration into his new royal household.[84] William Giffard, William Rufus's chancellor, was made the Bishop of Winchester, and the prominent sheriffs Urse d'Abetot, Haimo Dapifer and Robert Fitzhamon continued to play a senior role in government.[84] By contrast, the unpopular Ranulf Flambard, the Bishop of Durham and a key member of the previous regime, was imprisoned in the Tower of London and charged with corruption.[85] The late king had left many church positions unfilled, and Henry set about nominating candidates to these, in an effort to build further support for his new government.[86] The appointments needed to be consecrated, and Henry wrote to Anselm, apologising for having been crowned while the Archbishop was still in France and asking him to return at once.[87] Marriage to Matilda, 1100 Henry's first wife, Matilda of Scotland On 11 November 1100 Henry married Matilda, the daughter of Malcolm III of Scotland.[88] Henry was now around 31 years old, but late marriages for noblemen were not unusual in the 11th century.[89] The pair had probably first met earlier the previous decade, possibly being introduced through Bishop Osmund of Salisbury.[90] Historian Warren Hollister argues that Henry and Matilda were emotionally close, but their union was also certainly politically motivated.[91][nb 10] Matilda had originally been named Edith, an Anglo-Saxon name, and was a member of the West Saxon royal family, being the niece of Edgar the Ætheling, the great-granddaughter of Edmund Ironside and a descendant of Alfred the Great.[93] For Henry, marrying Matilda gave his reign increased legitimacy, and for Matilda, an ambitious woman, it was an opportunity for high status and power in England.[94] Matilda had been educated in a sequence of convents, however, and may well have taken the vows to formally become a nun, which formed an obstacle to the marriage progressing.[95] She did not wish to be a nun and appealed to Anselm for permission to marry Henry, and the Archbishop established a council at Lambeth Palace to judge the issue.[95] Despite some dissenting voices, the council concluded that although Matilda had lived in a convent, she had not actually become a nun and was therefore free to marry, a judgement that Anselm then affirmed, allowing the marriage to proceed.[95][nb 11] Matilda proved an effective queen for Henry, acting as a regent in England on occasion, addressing and presiding over councils, and extensively supporting the arts.[97] The couple soon had two children, Matilda, born in 1102, and William Adelin, born in 1103; it is possible that they also had a second son, Richard, who died young.[98][nb 12] Following the birth of these children, Matilda preferred to remain based in Westminster while Henry travelled across England and Normandy, either for religious reasons or because she enjoyed being involved in the machinery of royal governance.[100] Henry had a considerable sexual appetite and enjoyed a substantial number of sexual partners, resulting in many illegitimate children, at least nine sons and 13 daughters, many of whom he appears to have recognised and supported.[101] It was normal for unmarried Anglo-Norman noblemen to have sexual relations with prostitutes and local women, and kings were also expected to have mistresses.[102][nb 13] Some of these relationships occurred before Henry was married, but many others took place after his marriage to Matilda.[103] Henry had a wide range of mistresses from a range of backgrounds, and the relationships appear to have been conducted relatively openly.[100] He may have chosen some of his noble mistresses for political purposes, but the evidence to support this theory is limited.[104] Treaty of Alton, 1101-02 By early 1101, Henry's new regime was established and functioning, but many of the Anglo-Norman elite still supported Robert, or would be prepared to switch sides if Henry's elder brother appeared likely to gain power in England.[105] In February, Flambard escaped from the Tower of London and crossed the Channel to Normandy, where he injected fresh direction and energy to Robert's attempts to mobilise an invasion force.[106] By July, Robert had formed an army and a fleet, ready to move against Henry in England.[107] Raising the stakes in the conflict, Henry seized Flambard's lands and, with the support of Anselm, Flambard was removed from his position as bishop.[108] Henry held court in April and June, where the nobility renewed their oaths of allegiance to him, but their support still appeared partial and shaky.[109] With the invasion imminent, Henry mobilised his forces and fleet outside Pevensey, close to Robert's anticipated landing site, training some of them personally in how to counter cavalry charges.[110] Despite English levies and knights owing military service to the Church arriving in considerable numbers, many of his barons did not appear.[111] Anselm intervened with some of the doubters, emphasising the religious importance of their loyalty to Henry.[112] Robert unexpectedly landed further up the coast at Portsmouth on 20 July with a modest force of a few hundred men, but these were quickly joined by many of the barons in England.[113] However, instead of marching into nearby Winchester and seizing Henry's treasury, Robert paused, giving Henry time to march west and intercept the invasion force.[114] The two armies met at Alton where peace negotiations began, possibly initiated by either Henry or Robert, and probably supported by Flambard.[114] The brothers then agreed to the Treaty of Alton, under which Robert released Henry from his oath of homage and recognised him as king; Henry renounced his claims on western Normandy, except for Domfront, and agreed to pay Robert £2,000 a year for life; if either brother died without a male heir, the other would inherit his lands; the barons whose lands had been seized by either the King or the Duke for supporting his rival would have them returned, and Flambard would be reinstated as bishop; the two brothers would campaign together to defend their territories in Normandy.[115][nb 14] Robert remained in England for a few months more with Henry before returning to Normandy.[117] Despite the treaty, Henry set about inflicting severe penalties on the barons who had stood against him during the invasion.[118] William de Warenne, the Earl of Surrey, was accused of fresh crimes, which were not covered by the Alton amnesty, and was banished from England.[119] In 1102 Henry then turned against Robert of Bellême and his brothers, the most powerful of the barons, accusing him of 45 different offences.[120] Robert escaped and took up arms against Henry.[121] Henry besieged Robert's castles at Arundel, Tickhill and Shrewsbury, pushing down into the south-west to attack Bridgnorth.[122] His power base in England broken, Robert accepted Henry's offer of banishment and left the country for Normandy.[123] Conquest of Normandy, 1103-06 Henry's network of allies in Normandy became stronger during 1103.[124] Henry arranged the marriages of his illegitimate daughters, Juliane and Matilda, to Eustace of Breteuil and Rotrou III, Count of Perche, respectively, the latter union securing the Norman border.[125] Henry attempted to win over other members of the Norman nobility and gave other English estates and lucrative offers to key Norman lords.[126] Duke Robert continued to fight Robert of Bellême, but the Duke's position worsened, until by 1104, he had to ally himself formally with Bellême to survive.[127] Arguing that Duke Robert had broken the terms of their treaty, Henry crossed over the Channel to Domfront, where he met with senior barons from across Normandy, eager to ally themselves with the King.[128] Henry confronted his brother and accused him of siding with his enemies, before returning to England.[129] Normandy continued to disintegrate into chaos.[130] In 1105, Henry sent his friend Robert Fitzhamon and a force of knights into the Duchy, apparently to provoke a confrontation with Duke Robert.[131] Fitzhamon was captured, and Henry used this as an excuse to invade, promising to restore peace and order.[130] Henry had the support of most of the neighbouring counts around Normandy's borders, and King Philip of France was persuaded to remain neutral.[132] Henry occupied western Normandy, and advanced east on Bayeux, where Fitzhamon was held.[133] The city refused to surrender, and Henry besieged it, burning it to the ground.[133] Terrified of meeting the same fate, the town of Caen switched sides and surrendered, allowing Henry to advance on Falaise, which he took with some casualties.[134] Henry's campaign stalled, and the King instead began peace discussions with Robert.[135] The negotiations were inconclusive and the fighting dragged on until Christmas, when Henry returned to England.[136] Henry invaded again in July 1106, hoping to provoke a decisive battle.[137] After some initial tactical successes, he turned south-west towards the castle of Tinchebray.[138] He besieged the castle and Duke Robert, supported by Robert of Bellême, advanced from Falaise to relieve it.[138] After attempts at negotiation failed, the Battle of Tinchebray took place, probably on 28 September.[139][nb 15] The battle lasted around an hour, and began with a charge by Duke Robert's cavalry; the infantry and dismounted knights of both sides then joined the battle.[141] Henry's reserves, led by Elias I, Count of Maine, and Alan IV, Duke of Brittany, attacked the enemy's flanks, routing first Bellême's troops and then the bulk of the ducal forces.[142] Duke Robert was taken prisoner, but Bellême escaped.[142] Henry mopped up the remaining resistance in Normandy, and Robert ordered his last garrisons to surrender.[143] Reaching Rouen, Henry reaffirmed the laws and customs of Normandy and took homage from the leading barons and citizens.[144] The lesser prisoners taken at Tinchebray were released, but Robert and several other leading nobles were imprisoned indefinitely.[145] Henry's nephew, Robert's son William Clito, was only three years old and was released to the care of Helias of Saint-Saens, a Norman baron.[146] Henry reconciled himself with Robert of Bellême, who gave up the ducal lands he had seized and rejoined the royal court.[147] Henry had no way of legally removing the Duchy from his brother Robert, and initially Henry avoided using the title "duke" at all, emphasising that, as the King of England, he was only acting as the guardian of the troubled Duchy.[148] Further information on English government during this period: England in the Middle Ages § High Middle Ages (1066-1272) Henry inherited the kingdom of England from William Rufus, giving him a claim of suzerainty over Wales and Scotland, and acquired the Duchy of Normandy, a complex entity with troubled borders.[149] The borders between England and Scotland were still uncertain during Henry's reign, with Anglo-Norman influence pushing northwards through Cumbria, but Henry's relationship with King David I of Scotland was generally good, partially due to Henry's marriage to his sister.[150] In Wales, Henry used his power to coerce and charm the indigenous Welsh princes, while Norman Marcher Lords pushed across the valleys of South Wales.[151] Normandy was controlled via various interlocking networks of ducal, ecclesiastical and family contacts, backed by a growing string of important ducal castles along the borders.[152] Alliances and relationships with neighbouring counties along the Norman border were particularly important to maintaining the stability of the Duchy.[153] Henry ruled through the various barons and lords in England and Normandy, whom he manipulated skilfully for political effect.[154] Political friendships, termed amicitia in Latin, were important during the 12th century, and Henry maintained a wide range of these, mediating between his friends in various factions across his realm when necessary, and rewarding those who were loyal to him.[155] Henry also had a reputation for punishing those barons who stood against him, and he maintained an effective network of informers and spies who reported to him on events.[156] Henry was a harsh, firm ruler, but not excessively so by the standards of the day.[157] Over time, he increased the degree of his control over the barons, removing his enemies and bolstering his friends until the "reconstructed baronage", as historian Warren Hollister describes it, was predominantly loyal and dependent on the King.[158] Henry's itinerant royal court comprised various parts.[159] At the heart was Henry's domestic household, called the domus; a wider grouping was termed the familia regis, and formal gatherings of the court were termed curia.[160] The domus was divided into several parts. The chapel, headed by the chancellor, looked after the royal documents, the chamber dealt with financial affairs and the master-marshal was responsible for travel and accommodation.[161] The familia regis included Henry's mounted household troops, up to several hundred strong, who came from a wider range of social backgrounds, and could be deployed across England and Normandy as required.[162] Initially Henry continued his father's practice of regular crown-wearing ceremonies at his curia, but they became less frequent as the years passed.[163] Henry's court was grand and ostentatious, financing the construction of large new buildings and castles with a range of precious gifts on display, including the King's private menagerie of exotic animals, which he kept at Woodstock Palace.[164] Despite being a lively community, Henry's court was more tightly controlled than those of previous kings.[165] Strict rules controlled personal behaviour and prohibited members of the court from pillaging neighbouring villages, as had been the norm under William Rufus.[165] Henry was responsible for a substantial expansion of the royal justice system.[166][nb 16] In England, Henry drew on the existing Anglo-Saxon system of justice, local government and taxes, but strengthened it with additional central governmental institutions.[168] Roger of Salisbury began to develop the royal exchequer after 1110, using it to collect and audit revenues from the King's sheriffs in the shires.[169] Itinerant justices began to emerge under Henry, travelling around the country managing eyre courts, and many more laws were formally recorded.[170] Henry gathered increasing revenue from the expansion of royal justice, both from fines and from fees.[171] The first Pipe Roll that is known to have survived dates from 1130, recording royal expenditures.[172] Henry reformed the coinage in 1107, 1108 and in 1125, inflicting harsh corporal punishments to English coiners who had been found guilty of debasing the currency.[173][nb 17] In Normandy, Henry restored law and order after 1106, operating through a body of Norman justices and an exchequer system similar to that in England.[175] Norman institutions grew in scale and scope under Henry, although less quickly than in England.[176] Many of the officials that ran Henry's system were termed "new men", relatively low-born individuals who rose through the ranks as administrators, managing justice or the royal revenues.[177][nb 18] Relations with the church Henry's ability to govern was intimately bound up with the Church, which formed the key to the administration of both England and Normandy, and this relationship changed considerably over the course of his reign.[179] William the Conqueror had reformed the English Church with the support of his Archbishop of Canterbury, Lanfranc, who became a close colleague and advisor to the King.[180][nb 19] Under William Rufus this arrangement had collapsed, the King and Archbishop Anselm had become estranged and Anselm had gone into exile. Henry also believed in Church reform, but on taking power in England he became embroiled in the investiture controversy.[182] The argument concerned who should invest a new bishop with his staff and ring: traditionally, this had been carried out by the king in a symbolic demonstration of royal power, but Pope Urban II had condemned this practice in 1099, arguing that only the papacy could carry out this task, and declaring that the clergy should not give homage to their local temporal rulers.[183] Anselm returned to England from exile in 1100 having heard Urban's pronouncement, and informed Henry that he would be complying with the Pope's wishes.[184] Henry was in a difficult position. On one hand, the symbolism and homage was important to him; on the other hand, he needed Anselm's support in his struggle with his brother Duke Robert.[185] Anselm stuck firmly to the letter of the papal decree, despite Henry's attempts to persuade him to give way in return for a vague assurance of a future royal compromise.[186] Matters escalated, with Anselm going back into exile and Henry confiscating the revenues of his estates. Anselm threatened excommunication, and in July 1105 the two men finally negotiated a solution.[187] A distinction was drawn between the secular and ecclesiastical powers of the prelates, under which Henry gave up his right to invest his clergy, but retained the custom of requiring them to come and do homage for the temporalities, the landed properties they held in England.[188] Despite this argument, the pair worked closely together, combining to deal with Duke Robert's invasion of 1101, for example, and holding major reforming councils in 1102 and 1108.[189] A long-running dispute between the Archbishops of Canterbury and York flared up under Anselm's successor, Ralph d'Escures.[190] Canterbury, traditionally the senior of the two establishments, had long argued that the Archbishop of York should formally promise to obey their Archbishop, but York argued that the two episcopates were independent within the English Church and that no such promise was necessary. Henry supported the primacy of Canterbury, to ensure that England remained under a single ecclesiastical administration, but the Pope preferred the case of York.[190] The matter was complicated by Henry's personal friendship with Thurstan, the Archbishop of York, and the King's desire that the case should not end up in a papal court, beyond royal control.[190] Henry badly needed the support of the Papacy in his struggle with Louis of France, however, and therefore allowed Thurstan to attend the Council of Rheims in 1119, where Thurstan was then consecrated by the Pope with no mention of any duty towards Canterbury.[191] Henry believed that this went against assurances Thurstan had previously made and exiled him from England until the King and Archbishop came to a negotiated solution the following year.[192] Even after the investiture dispute, the King continued to play a major role in the selection of new English and Norman bishops and archbishops.[193] Henry appointed many of his officials to bishoprics and, as historian Martin Brett suggests, "some of his officers could look forward to a mitre with all but absolute confidence".[194] Henry's chancellors, and those of his queens, became bishops of Durham, Hereford, London, Lincoln, Winchester and Salisbury.[195] Henry increasingly drew on a wider range of these bishops as advisors - particularly Roger of Salisbury - breaking with the earlier tradition of relying primarily on the Archbishop of Canterbury.[196] The result was a cohesive body of administrators through which Henry could exercise careful influence, holding general councils to discuss key matters of policy.[197] This stability shifted slightly after 1125, when Henry began to inject a wider range of candidates into the senior positions of the Church, often with more reformist views, and the impact of this generation would be felt in the years after Henry's death.[198] Personal beliefs and piety Like other rulers of the period, Henry donated to the Church and patronised various religious communities, but contemporary chroniclers did not consider him an unusually pious king.[199] His personal beliefs and piety may, however, have developed during the course of his life. Henry had always taken an interest in religion, but in his later years he may have become much more concerned about spiritual affairs.[200] If so, the major shifts in his thinking would appear to have occurred after 1120, when his son William Adelin died, and 1129, when his daughter's marriage teetered on the verge of collapse.[201][nb 20] As a proponent of religious reform, Henry gave extensively to reformist groups within the Church.[203] He was a keen supporter of the Cluniac order, probably for intellectual reasons.[204] He donated money to the abbey at Cluny itself, and after 1120 gave generously to Reading Abbey, a Cluniac establishment.[204] Construction on Reading began in 1121, and Henry endowed it with rich lands and extensive privileges, making it a symbol of his dynastic lines.[205] He also focused effort on promoting the conversion of communities of clerks into Augustinian canons, the foundation of leper hospitals, expanding the provision of nunneries, and the charismatic orders of the Savigniacs and Tironensians.[206] He was an avid collector of relics, sending an embassy to Constantinople in 1118 to collect Byzantine items, some of which were donated to Reading Abbey.[207] Later reign, 1107-35 Continental and Welsh politics, 1108-14 Normandy faced an increased threat from France, Anjou and Flanders after 1108.[208] Louis VI succeeded to the French throne in 1108 and began to reassert central royal power.[208] Louis demanded Henry give homage to him and that two disputed castles along the Normandy border be placed into the control of neutral castellans.[209] Henry refused, and Louis responded by mobilising an army.[210] After some arguments, the two kings negotiated a truce and retreated without fighting, leaving the underlying issues unresolved.[210][nb 21] Fulk V assumed power in Anjou in 1109 and began to rebuild Angevin authority.[212] Fulk also inherited the county of Maine, but refused to recognise Henry as his feudal lord and instead allied himself with Louis.[213] Robert II of Flanders also briefly joined the alliance, before his death in 1111.[214] In 1108, Henry betrothed his six-year-old daughter, Matilda, to Henry V, the future Holy Roman Emperor.[215] For King Henry, this was a prestigious match; for Henry V, it was an opportunity to restore his financial situation and fund an expedition to Italy, as he received a dowry of £6,666 from England and Normandy.[216][nb 22] Raising this money proved challenging, and required the implementation of a special "aid", or tax, in England.[218] Matilda was crowned German queen in 1110.[219] Henry responded to the French and Angevin threat by expanding his own network of supporters beyond the Norman borders.[220] Some Norman barons deemed unreliable were arrested or dispossessed, and Henry used their forfeited estates to bribe his potential allies in the neighbouring territories, in particular Maine.[221] Around 1110, Henry attempted to arrest the young William Clito, but William's mentors moved him to the safety of Flanders before he could be taken.[222] At about this time, Henry probably began to style himself as the duke of Normandy.[223][nb 23] Robert of Bellême turned against Henry once again, and when he appeared at Henry's court in 1112 in a new role as a French ambassador, he was arrested and imprisoned.[225] Rebellions broke out in France and Anjou between 1111 and 1113, and Henry crossed into Normandy to support his nephew, Count Theobald II of Blois, who had sided against Louis in the uprising.[226] In a bid to diplomatically isolate the French king, Henry betrothed his young son, William Adelin, to Fulk's daughter Matilda, and married his illegitimate daughter Matilda to Duke Conan III of Brittany, creating alliances with Anjou and Brittany respectively.[227] Louis backed down and in March 1113 met with Henry near Gisors to agree a peace settlement, giving Henry the disputed fortresses and confirming Henry's overlordship of Maine, Bellême and Brittany.[228] Meanwhile, the situation in Wales was deteriorating. Henry had conducted a campaign in South Wales in 1108, pushing out royal power in the region and colonising the area around Pembroke with Flemings.[229] By 1114, some of the resident Norman lords were under attack, while in Mid-Wales, Owain ap Cadwgan blinded one of the political hostages he was holding, and in North Wales Gruffudd ap Cynan threatened the power of the Earl of Chester.[230] Henry sent three armies into Wales that year, with Gilbert Fitz Richard leading a force from the south, Alexander, King of Scotland, pressing from the north and Henry himself advancing into Mid-Wales.[230] Owain and Gruffudd sued for peace, and Henry accepted a political compromise.[231] Henry reinforced the Welsh Marches with his own appointees, strengthening the border territories.[232] Rebellion, 1115-20 Concerned about the succession, Henry sought to persuade Louis VI to accept his son, William Adelin, as the legitimate future Duke of Normandy, in exchange for his son's homage.[233] Henry crossed into Normandy in 1115 and assembled the Norman barons to swear loyalty; he also almost successfully negotiated a settlement with King Louis, affirming William's right to the Duchy in exchange for a large sum of money, but the deal fell through and Louis, backed by his ally Baldwin of Flanders, instead declared that he considered William Clito the legitimate heir to the Duchy.[234] War broke out after Henry returned to Normandy with an army to support Theobald of Blois, who was under attack from Louis.[235] Henry and Louis raided each other's towns along the border, and a wider conflict then broke out, probably in 1116.[235][nb 24] Henry was pushed onto the defensive as French, Flemish and Angevin forces began to pillage the Normandy countryside.[237] Amaury III of Montfort and many other barons rose up against Henry, and there was an assassination plot from within his own household.[237] Henry's wife, Matilda, died in early 1118, but the situation in Normandy was sufficiently pressing that Henry was unable to return to England for her funeral.[238] Henry responded by mounting campaigns against the rebel barons and deepening his alliance with Theobald.[239] Baldwin of Flanders was wounded in battle and died in September 1118, easing the pressure on Normandy from the north-east.[240] Henry attempted to crush a revolt in the city of Alençon, but was defeated by Fulk and the Angevin army.[241] Forced to retreat from Alençon, Henry's position deteriorated alarmingly, as his resources became overstretched and more barons abandoned his cause.[242] Early in 1119, Eustace of Breteuil and Henry's daughter, Juliana, threatened to join the baronial revolt.[243] Hostages were exchanged in a bid to avoid conflict, but relations broke down and both sides mutilated their captives.[244] Henry attacked and took the town of Breteuil, despite Juliana's attempt to kill her father with a crossbow.[244][nb 25] In the aftermath, Henry dispossessed the couple of almost all of their lands in Normandy.[246] Henry's situation improved in May 1119 when he enticed Fulk to switch sides by finally agreeing to marry William Adelin to Fulk's daughter, Matilda, and paying Fulk a large sum of money.[247] Fulk left for the Levant, leaving the County of Maine in Henry's care, and the King was free to focus on crushing his remaining enemies.[248] During the summer Henry advanced into the Norman Vexin, where he encountered Louis's army, resulting in the Battle of Brémule.[249] Henry appears to have deployed scouts and then organised his troops into several carefully formed lines of dismounted knights.[250] Unlike Henry's forces, the French knights remained mounted; they hastily charged the Anglo-Norman positions, breaking through the first rank of the defences but then becoming entangled in Henry's second line of knights.[251] Surrounded, the French army began to collapse.[250] In the melee, Henry was hit by a sword blow, but his armour protected him.[252] Louis and William Clito escaped from the battle, leaving Henry to return to Rouen in triumph.[253] The war slowly petered out after this battle, and Louis took the dispute over Normandy to Pope Callixtus II's council in Reims that October.[254] Henry faced a number of French complaints concerning his acquisition and subsequent management of Normandy, and despite being defended by Geoffrey, the Archbishop of Rouen, Henry's case was shouted down by the pro-French elements of the council.[255] Callixtus declined to support Louis, however, and merely advised the two rulers to seek peace.[256] Amaury de Montfort came to terms with Henry, but Henry and William Clito failed to find a mutually satisfactory compromise.[257] In June 1120, Henry and Louis formally made peace on terms advantageous to the King of England: William Adelin gave homage to Louis, and in return Louis confirmed William's rights to the Duchy.[258] Succession crisis, 1120-23 Henry's succession plans were thrown into chaos by the sinking of the White Ship on 25 November 1120.[259] Henry had left the port of Barfleur for England in the early evening, leaving William Adelin and many of the younger members of the court to follow on that night in a separate vessel, the White Ship.[260] Both the crew and passengers were drunk and, just outside the harbour, the ship hit a submerged rock.[261][nb 26] The ship sank, killing as many as 300 people, with only one survivor, a butcher from Rouen.[261] Henry's court was initially too scared to report William's death to the King. When he was finally told, he collapsed with grief.[263] The disaster left Henry with no legitimate son, his various nephews now the closest possible male heirs.[264] Henry announced he would take a new wife, Adeliza of Louvain, opening up the prospect of a new royal son, and the two were married at Windsor Castle in January 1121.[265][nb 27] Henry appears to have chosen her because she was attractive and came from a prestigious noble line. Adeliza seems to have been fond of Henry and joined him in his travels, probably to maximise the chances of her conceiving a child.[267] The White Ship disaster initiated fresh conflict in Wales, where the drowning of Richard, Earl of Chester, encouraged a rebellion led by Maredudd ap Bleddyn.[268] Henry intervened in North Wales that summer with an army and, although the King was hit by a Welsh arrow, the campaign reaffirmed royal power across the region.[268] With William dead, Henry's alliance with Anjou - which had been based on his son marrying Fulk's daughter - began to disintegrate.[269] Fulk returned from the Levant and demanded that Henry return Matilda and her dowry, a range of estates and fortifications in Maine.[269] Matilda left for Anjou, but Henry argued that the dowry had in fact originally belonged to him before it came into the possession of Fulk, and so declined to hand the estates back to Anjou.[270] Fulk married his daughter Sibylla to William Clito, and granted them Maine.[271] Once again, conflict broke out, as Amaury de Montfort allied himself with Fulk and led a revolt along the Norman-Anjou border in 1123.[271] Amaury was joined by several other Norman barons, headed by Waleran de Beaumont, one of the sons of Henry's old ally, Robert of Meulan.[272][nb 28] Henry dispatched Robert of Gloucester and Ranulf le Meschin to Normandy and then intervened himself in late 1123.[274] Henry began the process of besieging the rebel castles, before wintering in the Duchy.[275] In the spring of 1124, campaigning began again. In the battle of Bourgthéroulde, Odo Borleng, castellan of Bernay, led the king's army and received intelligence that the rebels were departing from the rebel base in Beaumont-le-Roger allowing him to ambush them as they traversed through the Brotonne forest. Waleran charged the royal forces, but his knights were cut down by Odo's archers and the rebels were quickly overwhelmed.[276] Waleran was captured, but Amaury escaped.[276] Henry mopped up the remainder of the rebellion, blinding some of the rebel leaders - considered, at the time, a more merciful punishment than execution - and recovering the last rebel castles.[277] Henry paid Pope Callixtus a large amount of money, in exchange for the Papacy annulling the marriage of William Clito and Sibylla on the grounds of consanguinity.[278][nb 29] Planning the succession, 1124-34 Henry and his new wife did not conceive any children, generating prurient speculation as to the possible explanation, and the future of the dynasty appeared at risk.[280][nb 30] Henry may have begun to look among his nephews for a possible heir. He may have considered Stephen of Blois as a possible option and, perhaps in preparation for this, he arranged a beneficial marriage for Stephen to a wealthy heiress, Matilda.[282] Theobald of Blois, his close ally, may have also felt that he was in favour with Henry.[283] William Clito, who was King Louis's preferred choice, remained opposed to Henry and was therefore unsuitable.[284] Henry may have also considered his own illegitimate son, Robert of Gloucester, as a possible candidate, but English tradition and custom would have looked unfavourably on this.[285] Henry's plans shifted when the Empress Matilda's husband, the Emperor Henry, died in 1125.[286] King Henry recalled his daughter to England the next year and declared that, should he die without a male heir, she was to be his rightful successor.[287] The Anglo-Norman barons were gathered together at Westminster at Christmas 1126, where they swore to recognise Matilda and any future legitimate heir she might have.[287][nb 31] Putting forward a woman as a potential heir in this way was unusual: opposition to Matilda continued to exist within the English court, and Louis was vehemently opposed to her candidacy.[289] Fresh conflict broke out in 1127, when Charles, the childless Count of Flanders, was murdered, creating a local succession crisis.[290] Backed by King Louis, William Clito was chosen by the Flemings to become their new ruler.[291] This development potentially threatened Normandy, and Henry began to finance a proxy war in Flanders, promoting the claims of William's Flemish rivals.[292] In an effort to disrupt the French alliance with William, Henry mounted an attack into France in 1128, forcing Louis to cut his aid to William.[293] William died unexpectedly in July, removing the last major challenger to Henry's rule and bringing the war in Flanders to a halt.[294] Without William, the baronial opposition in Normandy lacked a leader. A fresh peace was made with France, and the King was finally able to release the remaining prisoners from the revolt of 1123, including Waleran of Meulan, who was rehabilitated into the royal court.[295] Meanwhile, Henry rebuilt his alliance with Fulk of Anjou, this time by marrying Matilda to Fulk's eldest son, Geoffrey.[296] The pair were betrothed in 1127 and married the following year.[297] It is unknown whether Henry intended Geoffrey to have any future claim on England or Normandy, and he was probably keeping his son-in-law's status deliberately uncertain. Similarly, although Matilda was granted a number of Normandy castles as part of her dowry, it was not specified when the couple would actually take possession of them.[298] Fulk left Anjou for Jerusalem in 1129, declaring Geoffrey the Count of Anjou and Maine.[299] The marriage proved difficult, as the couple did not particularly like each other and the disputed castles proved a point of contention, resulting in Matilda returning to Normandy later that year.[300] Henry appears to have blamed Geoffrey for the separation, but in 1131 the couple were reconciled.[301] Much to the pleasure and relief of Henry, Matilda then gave birth to a sequence of two sons, Henry and Geoffrey, in 1133 and 1134.[302] Death and legacy Relations between Henry, Matilda, and Geoffrey became increasingly strained during the King's final years. Matilda and Geoffrey suspected that they lacked genuine support in England. In 1135 they urged Henry to hand over the royal castles in Normandy to Matilda whilst he was still alive, and insisted that the Norman nobility swear immediate allegiance to her, thereby giving the couple a more powerful position after Henry's death.[303] Henry angrily declined to do so, probably out of concern that Geoffrey would try to seize power in Normandy.[304] A fresh rebellion broke out amongst the barons in southern Normandy, led by William, the Count of Ponthieu, whereupon Geoffrey and Matilda intervened in support of the rebels.[305] Henry campaigned throughout the autumn, strengthening the southern frontier, and then travelled to Lyons-la-Forêt in November to enjoy some hunting, still apparently healthy.[306] There Henry fell ill - according to the chronicler Henry of Huntingdon, he ate too many ("a surfeit of") lampreys against his physician's advice - and his condition worsened over the course of a week.[307] Once the condition appeared terminal, Henry gave confession and summoned Archbishop Hugh of Amiens, who was joined by Robert of Gloucester and other members of the court.[308] In accordance with custom, preparations were made to settle Henry's outstanding debts and to revoke outstanding sentences of forfeiture.[309] The King died on 1 December 1135, and his corpse was taken to Rouen accompanied by the barons, where it was embalmed; his entrails were buried locally at the priory of Notre-Dame du Pré, and the preserved body was taken on to England, where it was interred at Reading Abbey.[310] Despite Henry's efforts, the succession was disputed. When news began to spread of the King's death, Geoffrey and Matilda were in Anjou supporting the rebels in their campaign against the royal army, which included a number of Matilda's supporters such as Robert of Gloucester.[15] Many of these barons had taken an oath to stay in Normandy until the late king was properly buried, which prevented them from returning to England.[311] The Norman nobility discussed declaring Theobald of Blois king.[312] Theobald's younger brother, Stephen of Blois, quickly crossed from Boulogne to England, however, accompanied by his military household.[313] With the help of his brother, Henry of Blois, he seized power in England and was crowned king on 22 December.[314] The Empress Matilda did not give up her claim to England and Normandy, leading to the prolonged civil war known as the Anarchy between 1135 and 1153.[315] Historiography Historians have drawn on a range of sources on Henry, including the accounts of chroniclers; other documentary evidence, including early pipe rolls; and surviving buildings and architecture.[316] The three main chroniclers to describe the events of Henry's life were William of Malmesbury, Orderic Vitalis, and Henry of Huntingdon, but each incorporated extensive social and moral commentary into their accounts and borrowed a range of literary devices and stereotypical events from other popular works.[317] Other chroniclers include Eadmer, Hugh the Chanter, Abbot Suger, and the authors of the Welsh Brut.[318] Not all royal documents from the period have survived, but there are a number of royal acts, charters, writs, and letters, along with some early financial records.[319] Some of these have since been discovered to be forgeries, and others had been subsequently amended or tampered with.[320] Late medieval historians seized on the accounts of selected chroniclers regarding Henry's education and gave him the title of Henry "Beauclerc", a theme echoed in the analysis of Victorian and Edwardian historians such as Francis Palgrave and Henry Davis.[321] The historian Charles David dismissed this argument in 1929, showing the more extreme claims for Henry's education to be without foundation.[322] Modern histories of Henry commenced with Richard Southern's work in the early 1960s, followed by extensive research during the rest of the 20th century into a wide number of themes from his reign in England, and a much more limited number of studies of his rule in Normandy.[323] Only two major, modern biographies of Henry have been produced, C. Warren Hollister's posthumous volume in 2001, and Judith Green's 2006 work.[324] Interpretation of Henry's personality by historians has altered over time. Earlier historians such as Austin Poole and Richard Southern considered Henry as a cruel, draconian ruler.[325] More recent historians, such as Hollister and Green, view his implementation of justice much more sympathetically, particularly when set against the standards of the day, but even Green has noted that Henry was "in many respects highly unpleasant", and Alan Cooper has observed that many contemporary chroniclers were probably too scared of the King to voice much criticism.[326] Historians have also debated the extent to which Henry's administrative reforms genuinely constituted an introduction of what Hollister and John Baldwin have termed systematic, "administrative kingship", or whether his outlook remained fundamentally traditional.[327] Henry's burial at Reading Abbey is marked by a local cross and a plaque,[328] but Reading Abbey was slowly demolished during the Dissolution of the Monasteries in the 16th century.[329] The exact location is uncertain, but the most likely location of the tomb itself is now in a built-up area of central Reading, on the site of the former abbey choir.[329] A plan to locate his remains was announced in March 2015, with support from English Heritage and Philippa Langley, who aided with the successful discovery and exhumation of Richard III.[330] | Normandie, Henry I King of England (I7999)
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| 4277 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Pieterszen-8 (see for sources) Jacob Pieterszen was born in Leijden in the Netherlands. He emigrated to New Netherland, where in 1652 he married Grietje Jans, who came from Ditmarsen. They registered banns of marriage in the Reformed Dutch Church of New Amsterdam on 6 October 1652.[1] In 1678, Greetye Jans, wife of Jacob Petersen, was an heir to the estate of her brother, Carsten Jans Eggert, receiving 150 guilders in wampum, as well as a share of the portion of the estate that was shared by his three surviving siblings and a nephew.[2] | De Groot, Jacob Pieterszen (I9345)
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| 4278 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Pippinid-12 BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS.ORG: Charles Martel ('the Hammer') was born in Herstal (in modern Belgium) on 23 August 688, the son of Pippin II by his mistress Alpais. He was proclaimed Mayor of the Palace and ruled the Franks in the name of a titular king, Clothaire IV. Late in his reign he proclaimed himself duke of the Franks (over the last four years of his reign he did not even bother with the façade of a king) and by any name he was de facto ruler of the Frankish realms. In 739 he was offered an office of Roman consul, which he rejected. He expanded his rule over all three of the Frankish kingdoms: Austrasia, Neustria and Burgundy. He was described by Louis Gustave and Charles Strauss, in their book _Muslem and Frank: or Charles Martel and the rescue of Europe,_ as a tall, powerfully built man who was more agile than his size would lead men to believe. His first battles were with the Saxons, Alemanni and Bavarians. However, his importance was established when he rolled back the Saracens in a desperate battle between Tours and Poitiers in 732. This has traditionally been characterised as an event that halted the Islamic expansion in Europe that had conquered Iberia. Prior to the battle, Abdul Rahman, the Arab governor of Spain, had won a great battle near Bordeaux. This Muslem threat united the Burgundians and the Gauls of Provence, who then acknowledged the sovereignty of Charles Martel, recognising him as their saviour from the Muslem conquests. Charles finished his work by driving the Saracens out of Burgundy and the Languedoc in 737. In addition to being the leader of the army that prevailed at Tours, Charles Martel was a truly giant figure of the Middle Ages. A brilliant general, he is considered the forefather of western heavy cavalry, chivalry, founder of the Carolingian empire (which was named after him), and a catalyst for the feudal system, which would see Europe through the Middle Ages. Although some recent scholars have suggested he was more of a beneficiary of the feudal system than a knowing agent for social change, others continue to see him as the primary catalyst. When Charles died on 22 October 741, his sons Carloman and Pippin, still joint mayors of the palace, shared power over the kingdom of the Franks with the Merovingian king, Childeric III of the Franks. | Peppinid, Charles Martel Prince of the Franks (I8181)
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| 4279 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Pippinid-18 BIOGRAPHY from genealogics.org: Pippin was born in 714, the son of Charles Martel and Chrodtrud. With his wife Bertrada, daughter of Heribert/Caribert, count of Laon, he had two sons Charles and Carloman, of whom Charles would have progeny. Pippin inherited the joint right with his brother Carloman to rule the kingdom of the Franks. In 747 he became sole ruler when Carloman retired to the monastery of Monte Casino. In 751 he asked Pope Zacharias to end the nominal rule of the Merovingians and give him sole power, together with the title 'King of the Franks'. The pope agreed and King Childeric III was placed in a monastery. Boniface, Apostle of the Germans (later canonised as St. Boniface) anointed Pippin as King of The Franks at Soissons, possibly in 751. Two years later Pippin saved the next pope, Stephen II, from the Lombards. The pope himself again anointed Pippin at the Abbey of St. Denis, together with his two young sons. Pippin proved a much more able king than the Merovingian 'Rois faineants' (do nothing kings). The Franks descended on Italy to support the pope, and they defeated Astolfo, king of the Lombards. Pippin was made a senator of Rome though he could neither read nor write. After the pope was attacked again, Pippin again defeated Astolfo and made a gift to the pope of Lombard lands near Rome. This bequest was the beginning of the pope's status as a temporal sovereign. Pippin died at the Abbey of St. Denis in 768. His sons Charles and Carloman divided the Frank domains. Carloman soon died, leaving Charles, as the sole ruler of the kingdom of the Franks, to become the most important ruler ever to have 'the Great' added to his name. Charles The Great, or Carolus Magnus, became better known as Charlemagne. | Pippinid, Pepin 'the Short' King of the Franks (I8199)
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| 4280 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Pippinid-3 BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS.ORG: Pippin was born about 635, the grandson and namesake of Pippin I 'the Elder' from the marriage of Pippin's daughter Begga and Ansegisel, son of Arnulf, bishop of Metz. That marriage united the two houses of the Pippinids and the Arnulfings which created what would be called the Carolingian dynasty. Pippin II was probably born in Herstal (Héristal), in modern Belgium (where his centre of power lay), whence his epithet (he is sometimes called 'of Heristal'). As _major domus_ (mayor) of Austrasia, Pippin and Martin, duke of Laon, fought the Neustrian mayor Ebroin, who had designs on all Frankland. Ebroin defeated the Austrasians at Lucofao (Bois-du-Fay, near Laon) and came close to uniting all the Franks under his rule; however he was assassinated in 681, the victim of a combined attack by his numerous enemies. Pippin immediately made peace with his successor, Waratton. However, Waratton's successor Berthar, and the Neustrian king Theuderic III, who since 679 was nominal king of all the Franks, made war on Austrasia. The king and his mayor were decisively defeated at the Battle of Tertry (Textrice) in the Vermandois in 687. Berthar and Theuderic withdrew themselves to Paris, where Pippin followed and eventually forced on them a peace treaty with the condition that Berthar leave his office. Pippin was created mayor in all three Frankish kingdoms (Austrasia, Neustria, and Burgundy) and began calling himself Duke and Prince of the Franks (_dux et princeps Francorum_). In the ensuing quarrels, Berthar killed his mother-in-law Ansfled and fled. His wife Anstrude married Pippin's eldest son Drogo, duke of Champagne, and Pippin's place in Neustria was secured. Over the next several years, Pippin subdued the Alemanni, Friesians and Franconians, bringing them within the Frankish sphere of influence. He also began the evangelisation of Germany. In 695 he placed Drogo in the Burgundian mayorship and his other son Grimoald in the Neustrian one. Around 670 Pippin had married Plektrudis, who had inherited substantial estates in the Moselle region. She was the mother of Drogo of Champagne and Grimoald, both of whom died before their father. However, Pippin also had a mistress named Chalpaida/Alpais who bore him two more sons: Charles and Childebrand. Just before Pippin's death, Plektrudis convinced him to disinherit his bastards in favour of his grandson Theudoald, the son of Grimoald, who was still young (and amenable to Plektrudis' control). Pippin died suddenly at an old age on 15 November 714, at Jupille near Herstal. His legitimate grandchildren claimed themselves to be Pippin's true successors and, with the help of Plektrudis, tried to maintain the position of Mayor of the Palace after Pippin's death. However, Charles had gained favour among the Austrasians, primarily for his military prowess and ability to keep them well supplied with booty from his conquests. Despite the efforts of Plektrudis to silence her rival's child by imprisoning him, Charles Martel became the sole mayor of the palace and de facto ruler of Francia after a civil war which lasted for more than three years after Pippin's death. | Peippinid, Pepin Herstal (I8183)
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| 4281 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Pippinid-4 BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS.ORG: Begga was born about 613, daughter of Major Domus Pippin 'the Elder' and his wife Itta/Iduburga. Sometime after 639 Begga married Ansegisel, a military leader of King Sigbert III of Austrasia. They had several children of whom Pippin is known to have progeny. Ansegisel was killed in a feud sometime after 675 but before 679, by his enemy Gundewind. After his death Begga went on a pilgrimage to Rome. When she returned she built seven chapels representing the seven principal churches of Rome. These chapels were at Andenne on the river Meuse in Belgium. She also built a convent there, then became a nun, joined her own convent, and became its abbess. Begga died on 17 December 694/695 and is buried in Andenne at St. Begga's Collegiate Church. | Pippinid, Begga of Landen (I8074)
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| 4282 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Plantagenet-143 BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS.ORG: John was born in 1167, the youngest son of Henry II, king of England, and Eleanor de Poitou, duchesse d'Aquitaine. John's mother was well over forty when John was born. He was her favourite, and inherited many of her characteristics. He grew up enjoying the good things of life: food, women and fashion. His parents indulged him; however, when at 18 he was sent to Ireland to complete its conquest, he was recalled when he aggravated the situation by making fun of the beards and clothes of the Irish chieftains. His father denied him any lands and nicknamed him John Lackland; but when John's brother Richard became king he granted John the county of Mortain in Normandy. Richard I also found him a wife, Isabella of Gloucester. However the archbishop of Canterbury declared the marriage void as John and Isabella were second cousins. The Pope reversed this decision, but that did not improve the marriage and they soon lived apart, the marriage being annulled in 1200. When Richard I went on crusade, being aware of John's character he appointed William de Longchamp as regent. However, as soon as Richard was gone, John found support not only from the people of England but also from his illegitimate half-brother Geoffrey, archbishop of York. Marching on London, he won the city by allowing the people to elect their mayor. Realising that he could not withstand his sovereign's brother, Longchamp fled disguised as a woman. He was ready to sail from Dover when an amorous sailor discovered who he was. Before Richard I died he declared John to be his heir, by-passing Arthur of Brittany whose deceased father Geoffrey was John's elder brother. On 25 April 1199 John was invested as duke of Normandy. In 1200 he divorced his unwanted wife as he had become enamoured of the 12-year-old Isabella of Angoulême. Her parents, keen to see their daughter become queen, encouraged the match and they were married by the archbishop of Bordeaux. As king he had a great concern and interest in the administration of his territories. Ralph of Coggeshall recorded that he ruled 'energetically enough'. He travelled widely in England, often dealing with mundane financial and legal matters. He was munificent and liberal to outsiders but a plunderer of his own people, trusting strangers rather than his subjects. He was eventually deserted by his own men, and in the end he was little mourned. John produced eight illegitimate children. According to William of Newburgh he lusted after the wife of Eustace de Vesci, who contrived to smuggle a prostitute into the king's bed in her place. Next day when John coarsely told him how good his wife had been in bed, de Vesci confessed, then fled. In 1203 John was responsible for the murder of his nephew and rival, Arthur. King Philippe of France, overlord for both Normandy and Brittany, was enraged by this action; forfeiting Normandy he attacked and conquered Rouen. In 1205 John quarrelled with Pope Innocent III as he did not want to accept Stephen Langton as archbishop of Canterbury. As a result John was excommunicated in 1208. This lasted until 1213 when he had to accept England as a fief from the pope. Campaigns in 1214 in France were disastrous. While he was in France his enemies in England joined forces under the banner of Stephen Langton, and forced John to accept the Magna Carta, which was sealed by John on 15 June 1215 at Runnymede near Windsor. Infuriated, John gained the support of the pope and gathered an army to fight his barons who were supported by the French king. Landing in England, King Louis marched on London. The barons promised the crown to the French king and a civil war began. During John's travels through England, one of his baggage-trains was swept away while crossing a river and he lost all his valuables including his crown. He became so depressed that he fell seriously ill. His illness was aggravated by his gluttony, and he was taken by litter to Newark Castle where he died, aged nearly forty-nine, on 18 October 1216. | Plantagenet, John King of England (I8079)
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| 4283 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Plantagenet-1612 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia William Longespée Earl of Salisbury Born c. 1176 Died 7 March 1226 (aged 49-50) Salisbury Castle, Salisbury, Wiltshire, England Noble family Plantagenet Spouse(s) Ela, Countess of Salisbury among others...Issue William II Longespée Nicholas Longespée Father Henry II, King of England Mother Ida de Tosny Arms of Longespée, as drawn by Matthew Paris (d. 1259): Azure, six lions rampant or, 3,2,1. As seen sculpted on the shield of his effigy in Salisbury Cathedral William Longespée, 3rd Earl of Salisbury (c. 1176 - 7 March 1226) ("Long Sword", Latinised to de Longa Spatha) was an Anglo-Norman nobleman, primarily remembered for his command of the English forces at the Battle of Damme and for remaining loyal to his half-brother, King John. His nickname "Longespée" is generally taken as a reference to his great size and the outsize weapons he wielded.[citation needed] William was an illegitimate son of Henry II, King of England. His mother was unknown for many years until the discovery of a charter William made that mentions "Comitissa Ida, mater mea" (Countess Ida, my mother).[1][2] This referred to Ida de Tosny, a member of the prominent Tosny (or Toesny) family, who had married Roger Bigod, 2nd Earl of Norfolk[3] in 1181. King Henry acknowledged William as his son and gave him the honour of Appleby, Lincolnshire, in 1188. Eight years later, his half brother King Richard I married him to a great heiress, Ela of Salisbury, 3rd Countess of Salisbury, and granted him the title and lands of the earldom.[4] During the reign of King John, Salisbury was at court on several important ceremonial occasions and held various offices: sheriff of Wiltshire; lieutenant of Gascony; constable of Dover; and Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports; and later warden of the Welsh Marches. He was appointed sheriff of Cambridgeshire and Huntingdonshire about 1213. Military career Salisbury was a commander in the king's Welsh and Irish expeditions of 1210-1212 and was appointed Viceroy of Ireland, jointly with John de Gray, Bishop of Norwich, when the king left for England in 1210.[5] The king also granted him the honour of Eye in Suffolk. In 1213, Salisbury led a large fleet to Flanders, where he seized or destroyed a good part of a French invasion fleet anchored at or near Damme. This ended the invasion threat but not the conflicts between England and France. In 1214, Salisbury was sent to help Otto IV of Germany, an English ally, who was invading France. Salisbury commanded the right wing of the army at their disastrous defeat in that year at the Battle of Bouvines, where he was captured.[6] By the time he returned to England, revolt was brewing amongst the barons. Salisbury was one of the few who remained loyal to John, except for a few months in 1216. In the civil war that took place the year after the signing of the Magna Carta, Salisbury was one of the leaders of the king's army in the south. He was made High Sheriff of Wiltshire again, this time for life. After raising the siege of Lincoln with William Marshall he was also appointed High Sheriff of Lincolnshire (in addition to his current post as High Sheriff of Somerset) and governor of Lincoln castle. However, after the French prince Louis (later Louis VIII) landed as an ally of the rebels, Salisbury went over to his side. Presumably, he thought John's cause was lost.[6] Tomb of William Longespée in Salisbury Cathedral After John's death and the departure of Louis, Salisbury, along with many other barons, joined the cause of John's young son, now Henry III of England. He held an influential place in the government during the king's minority and fought in Gascony to help secure the remaining part of the English continental possessions. He was appointed High Sheriff of Devon in 1217 and High Sheriff of Staffordshire and Shropshire in 1224. Salisbury's ship was nearly lost in a storm while returning to England in 1225, and he spent some months in refuge at a monastery on the French island of Ré.[6] Death Salisbury died not long after his return to England at Salisbury Castle. Roger of Wendover alleged that he was poisoned by Hubert de Burgh.[7] He was buried at Salisbury Cathedral in Salisbury, Wiltshire, England.[6] Salisbury's tomb was opened in 1791. Bizarrely, the well-preserved corpse of a rat which carried traces of arsenic, was found inside his skull.[8] The rat is now on display in Salisbury Cathedral Chapter House. Likeness A terracotta statue of Salisbury, dating from 1756, is located in the Great Hall of Lacock Abbey in Lacock, Wiltshire, England. A likeness of his wife Ela is also on display, while several other statues are believed to show their children. Family By his wife Ela, Countess of Salisbury, Salisbury had four sons and six daughters:[9] William II Longespée (1212?-1250), who was sometimes called Earl of Salisbury but never legally bore the title because he died before his mother, Countess Ela, who held the earldom until her death in 1261. Richard, a canon of Salisbury. Stephen Longespée (died 1260), who was seneschal of Gascony and Justiciar of Ireland, married Emeline de Ridelsford, widow of Hugh de Lacy, 1st Earl of Ulster. Nicholas (died 1297), bishop of Salisbury. Isabella Longespée, who married Sir William de Vesci. Ela Longespée, who first married Thomas de Beaumont, 6th Earl of Warwick, and then married Philip Basset. No issue.[10] Ida Longespée, married firstly Ralph who was son of Ralph de Somery, Baron of Dudley, and Margaret, daughter of John Marshal;[10] she married secondly William de Beauchamp, Baron of Bedford, by whom she had seven children.[11] Ida II de Longespée (she is alternatively listed as William and Ela's granddaughter: see notes below), married Sir Walter FitzRobert, son of Robert Fitzwalter, by whom she had issue including Ela FitzWalter, wife of William de Odyngsells. Ela's and Williams's grandsons include William de Clinton and John de Grey.[10] Mary Longespée, married. No issue.[10] Pernel Longespée. | Plantagenet, Earl of Salisbury, William Longespee (I7987)
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| 4284 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Plantagenet-1627 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia King of England Reign 19 December 1154 - 6 July 1189 Coronation 19 December 1154 Predecessor Stephen Successor Richard I Junior king Henry the Young King Born 5 March 1133 Le Mans, Maine, Kingdom of France Died 6 July 1189 (aged 56) Chinon Castle, Chinon, Indre-et-Loire, Kingdom of France Burial Fontevraud Abbey, Anjou, France Spouse Eleanor of Aquitaine (m. 1152) Issue Geoffrey, Archbishop of York William IX, Count of Poitiers Henry the Young King Matilda, Duchess of Saxony Richard I, King of England Geoffrey II, Duke of Brittany Eleanor, Queen of Castile Joan, Queen of Sicily John, King of England William, Earl of Salisbury House Plantagenet/Angevin[nb 1] Father Geoffrey V, Count of Anjou Mother Empress Matilda Henry II (5 March 1133 - 6 July 1189), also known as Henry Curtmantle (French: Court-manteau), Henry FitzEmpress or Henry Plantagenet, ruled as King of England, Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, Count of Anjou, Maine, and Nantes; at various times, he also partially controlled Scotland, Wales and the Duchy of Brittany. Before he was 40 he controlled England, large parts of Wales, the eastern half of Ireland and the western half of France-an area that would later come to be called the Angevin Empire. Henry was the son of Geoffrey of Anjou and Matilda, daughter of Henry I of England. He became actively involved by the age of 14 in his mother's efforts to claim the throne of England, then occupied by Stephen of Blois, and was made Duke of Normandy at 17. He inherited Anjou in 1151 and shortly afterwards became the Duke of Aquitaine by marrying Eleanor of Aquitaine, whose marriage to Louis VII of France had recently been annulled. Stephen agreed to a peace treaty after Henry's military expedition to England in 1153, and Henry inherited the kingdom on Stephen's death a year later. Henry was an energetic and sometimes ruthless ruler, driven by a desire to restore the lands and privileges of his grandfather Henry I. During the early years of his reign the younger Henry restored the royal administration in England, re-established hegemony over Wales and gained full control over his lands in Anjou, Maine and Touraine. Henry's desire to reform the relationship with the Church led to conflict with his former friend Thomas Becket, the Archbishop of Canterbury. This controversy lasted for much of the 1160s and resulted in Becket's murder in 1170. Henry soon came into conflict with Louis VII and the two rulers fought what has been termed a "cold war" over several decades. Henry expanded his empire, often at Louis' expense, taking Brittany and pushing east into central France and south into Toulouse; despite numerous peace conferences and treaties, no lasting agreement was reached. Henry and Eleanor had eight children-three daughters and five sons. Three of his sons would be king, though Henry the Young King was named his father's co-ruler rather than a stand-alone king. As the sons grew up, tensions over the future inheritance of the empire began to emerge, encouraged by Louis and his son King Philip II. In 1173 Henry's heir apparent, "Young Henry", rebelled in protest; he was joined by his brothers Richard (later a king) and Geoffrey and by their mother, Eleanor. France, Scotland, Brittany, Flanders, and Boulogne allied themselves with the rebels. The Great Revolt was only defeated by Henry's vigorous military action and talented local commanders, many of them "new men" appointed for their loyalty and administrative skills. Young Henry and Geoffrey revolted again in 1183, resulting in Young Henry's death. The Norman invasion of Ireland provided lands for his youngest son John (later a king), but Henry struggled to find ways to satisfy all his sons' desires for land and immediate power. By 1189, Young Henry and Geoffrey were dead, and Philip successfully played on Richard's fears that Henry II would make John king, leading to a final rebellion. Decisively defeated by Philip and Richard and suffering from a bleeding ulcer, Henry retreated to Chinon castle in Anjou. He died soon afterwards and was succeeded by Richard. Henry's empire quickly collapsed during the reign of his son John, but many of the changes Henry introduced during his long rule had long-term consequences. Henry's legal changes are generally considered to have laid the basis for the English Common Law, while his intervention in Brittany, Wales, and Scotland shaped the development of their societies and governmental systems. Historical interpretations of Henry's reign have changed considerably over time. In the 18th century, scholars argued that Henry was a driving force in the creation of a genuinely English monarchy and, ultimately, a unified Britain. During the Victorian expansion of the British Empire, historians were keenly interested in the formation of Henry's own empire, but they also expressed concern over his private life and treatment of Becket. Late-20th-century historians have combined British and French historical accounts of Henry, challenging earlier Anglocentric interpretations of his reign. Henry was born in France at Le Mans on 5 March 1133, the eldest child of the Empress Matilda and her second husband, Geoffrey the Fair, Count of Anjou.[2] The French county of Anjou was formed in the 10th century and the Angevin rulers attempted for several centuries to extend their influence and power across France through careful marriages and political alliances.[3] In theory, the county answered to the French king, but royal power over Anjou weakened during the 11th century and the county became largely autonomous.[4] Henry's mother was the eldest daughter of Henry I, King of England and Duke of Normandy. She was born into a powerful ruling class of Normans, who traditionally owned extensive estates in both England and Normandy, and her first husband had been the Holy Roman Emperor Henry V.[5] After her father's death in 1135, Matilda hoped to claim the English throne, but instead her cousin Stephen of Blois was crowned king and recognised as the Duke of Normandy, resulting in civil war between their rival supporters.[6] Geoffrey took advantage of the confusion to attack the Duchy of Normandy but played no direct role in the English conflict, leaving this to Matilda and her half-brother, Robert of Gloucester.[7] The war, termed the Anarchy by Victorian historians, dragged on and degenerated into stalemate.[8] Henry probably spent some of his earliest years in his mother's household, and accompanied Matilda to Normandy in the late 1130s.[9] Henry's later childhood, probably from the age of seven, was spent in Anjou, where he was educated by Peter of Saintes, a noted grammarian of the day.[10] In late 1142, Geoffrey decided to send the nine-year-old to Bristol, the centre of Angevin opposition to Stephen in the south-west of England, accompanied by Robert of Gloucester.[11] Although having children educated in relatives' households was common among noblemen of the period, sending Henry to England also had political benefits, as Geoffrey was coming under criticism for refusing to join the war in England.[11] For about a year, Henry lived alongside Roger of Worcester, one of Robert's sons, and was instructed by a magister, Master Matthew; Robert's household was known for its education and learning.[12] The canons of St Augustine's in Bristol also helped in Henry's education, and he remembered them with affection in later years.[13] Henry returned to Anjou in either 1143 or 1144, resuming his education under William of Conches, another famous academic.[14] Henry returned to England in 1147, when he was fourteen.[15] Taking his immediate household and a few mercenaries, he left Normandy and landed in England, striking into Wiltshire.[15] Despite initially causing considerable panic, the expedition had little success, and Henry found himself unable to pay his forces and therefore unable to return to Normandy.[15] Neither his mother nor his uncle were prepared to support him, implying that they had not approved of the expedition in the first place.[16] Surprisingly, Henry instead turned to King Stephen, who paid the outstanding wages and thereby allowed Henry to retire gracefully. Stephen's reasons for doing so are unclear. One potential explanation is his general courtesy to a member of his extended family; another is that he was starting to consider how to end the war peacefully, and saw this as a way of building a relationship with Henry.[17] Henry intervened once again in 1149, commencing what is often termed the Henrician phase of the civil war.[18] This time, Henry planned to form a northern alliance with King David I of Scotland, Henry's great-uncle, and Ranulf of Chester, a powerful regional leader who controlled most of the north-west of England.[19] Under this alliance, Henry and Ranulf agreed to attack York, probably with help from the Scots.[20] The planned attack disintegrated after Stephen marched rapidly north to York, and Henry returned to Normandy.[21][nb 2] Appearance and personality Henry was said by chroniclers to be good-looking, red-haired, freckled, with a large head; he had a short, stocky body and was bow-legged from riding.[22] Often he was scruffily dressed.[23] Not as reserved as his mother Matilda, nor as charming as his father Geoffrey, Henry was famous for his energy and drive.[24] He was also infamous for his piercing stare, bullying, bursts of temper and, on occasion, his sullen refusal to speak at all.[25] Some of these outbursts may have been theatrical and for effect.[26][nb 3] Henry was said to have understood a wide range of languages, including English, but spoke only Latin and French.[27][nb 4] In his youth Henry enjoyed warfare, hunting and other adventurous pursuits; as the years went by he put increasing energy into judicial and administrative affairs and became more cautious, but throughout his life he was energetic and frequently impulsive.[29] Henry had a passionate desire to rebuild his control of the territories that his grandfather, Henry I, had once governed.[30] He may well have been influenced by his mother in this regard, as Matilda also had a strong sense of ancestral rights and privileges.[31] Henry took back territories, regained estates, and re-established influence over the smaller lords that had once provided what historian John Gillingham describes as a "protective ring" around his core territories.[32] He was probably the first king of England to use a heraldic design: a signet ring with either a leopard or a lion engraved on it. The design would be altered in later generations to form the royal seal of England.[33] Early reign (1150-1162) Northern France around the time of Henry's birth By the late 1140s the active phase of the civil war was over, barring the occasional outbreak of fighting.[34] Many of the barons were making individual peace agreements with each other to secure their war gains and it increasingly appeared as though the English Church was considering promoting a peace treaty.[35] On Louis VII's return from the Second Crusade in 1149, he became concerned about the growth of Geoffrey's power and the potential threat to his own possessions, especially if Henry could acquire the English crown.[36] In 1150, Geoffrey made Henry the Duke of Normandy and Louis responded by putting forward King Stephen's son Eustace as the rightful heir to the duchy and launching a military campaign to remove Henry from the province.[37][nb 5] Henry's father advised him to come to terms with Louis and peace was made between them in August 1151 after mediation by Bernard of Clairvaux.[39] Under the settlement Henry did homage to Louis for Normandy, accepting Louis as his feudal lord, and gave him the disputed lands of the Norman Vexin; in return, Louis recognised him as duke.[39] Geoffrey died in September 1151, and Henry postponed his plans to return to England, as he first needed to ensure that his succession, particularly in Anjou, was secure.[39] At around this time Henry was also probably secretly planning his marriage to Eleanor of Aquitaine, then still the wife of Louis.[39] Eleanor was the Duchess of Aquitaine, a land in the south of France, and was considered beautiful, lively and controversial, but had not borne Louis any sons.[40] Louis had the marriage annulled and Henry married Eleanor eight weeks later on 18 May.[39][nb 6] The marriage instantly reignited Henry's tensions with Louis: it was considered an insult, it ran counter to feudal practice[clarification needed] and it threatened the inheritance of Louis and Eleanor's two daughters, Marie and Alix, who might otherwise have had claims to Aquitaine on Eleanor's death. With his new lands, Henry now possessed a much larger proportion of France than Louis.[42] Louis organised a coalition against Henry, including Stephen, Eustace, Henry the Count of Champagne, and Robert the Count of Perche.[43] Louis's alliance was joined by Henry's younger brother, Geoffrey, who rose in revolt, claiming that Henry had dispossessed him of his inheritance.[44] Geoffrey of Anjou's plans for the inheritance of his lands had been ambiguous, making the veracity of his son Geoffrey's claims hard to assess.[45] Contemporaneous accounts suggest he left the main castles in Poitou to Geoffrey, implying that he may have intended Henry to retain Normandy and Anjou but not Poitou.[46][nb 7] Fighting immediately broke out again along the Normandy borders, where Henry of Champagne and Robert captured the town of Neufmarché-sur-Epte.[48] Louis's forces moved to attack Aquitaine.[49] Stephen responded by placing Wallingford Castle, a key fortress loyal to Henry along the Thames Valley, under siege, possibly in an attempt to force a successful end to the English conflict while Henry was still fighting for his territories in France.[50] Henry moved quickly in response, avoiding open battle with Louis in Aquitaine and stabilising the Norman border, pillaging the Vexin and then striking south into Anjou against Geoffrey, capturing one of his main castles.[51] Louis fell ill and withdrew from the campaign, and Geoffrey was forced to come to terms with Henry.[49] In response to Stephen's siege, Henry returned to England again at the start of 1153, braving winter storms.[52] Bringing only a small army of mercenaries, probably paid for with borrowed money, Henry was supported in the north and east of England by the forces of Ranulf of Chester and Hugh Bigod, and had hopes of a military victory.[53] A delegation of senior English clergy met with Henry and his advisers at Stockbridge shortly before Easter in April.[54] Details of their discussions are unclear, but it appears that the churchmen emphasised that while they supported Stephen as king, they sought a negotiated peace; Henry reaffirmed that he would avoid the English cathedrals and would not expect the bishops to attend his court.[55] To draw Stephen's forces away from Wallingford, Henry besieged Stephen's castle at Malmesbury, and the King responded by marching west with an army to relieve it.[56] Henry successfully evaded Stephen's larger army along the River Avon, preventing Stephen from forcing a decisive battle.[57] In the face of the increasingly wintry weather, the two men agreed to a temporary truce, leaving Henry to travel north through the Midlands, where the powerful Robert de Beaumont, Earl of Leicester, announced his support for the cause.[57] Henry was then free to turn his forces south against the besiegers at Wallingford.[58] Despite only modest military successes, he and his allies now controlled the south-west, the Midlands and much of the north of England.[59] Meanwhile, Henry was attempting to act the part of a legitimate king, witnessing marriages and settlements and holding court in a regal fashion.[60] Over the next summer, Stephen massed troops to renew the siege of Wallingford Castle in a final attempt to take the stronghold.[61] The fall of Wallingford appeared imminent and Henry marched south to relieve the siege, arriving with a small army and placing Stephen's besieging forces under siege themselves.[62] Upon news of this, Stephen returned with a large army, and the two sides confronted each other across the River Thames at Wallingford in July.[62] By this point in the war, the barons on both sides were eager to avoid an open battle,[63] so members of the clergy brokered a truce, to the annoyance of both Henry and Stephen.[63] Henry and Stephen took the opportunity to speak together privately about a potential end to the war; conveniently for Henry, Stephen's son Eustace fell ill and died shortly afterwards.[64] This removed the most obvious other claimant to the throne, as while Stephen had another son, William, he was only a second son and appeared unenthusiastic about making a plausible claim on the throne.[65] Fighting continued after Wallingford, but in a rather half-hearted fashion, while the English Church attempted to broker a permanent peace between the two sides.[66] In November the two leaders ratified the terms of a permanent peace.[67] Stephen announced the Treaty of Winchester in Winchester Cathedral: he recognised Henry as his adopted son and successor, in return for Henry doing homage to him; Stephen promised to listen to Henry's advice, but retained all his royal powers; Stephen's remaining son, William, would do homage to Henry and renounce his claim to the throne, in exchange for promises of the security of his lands; key royal castles would be held on Henry's behalf by guarantors whilst Stephen would have access to Henry's castles; and the numerous foreign mercenaries would be demobilised and sent home.[68] Henry and Stephen sealed the treaty with a kiss of peace in the cathedral.[69] The peace remained precarious, and Stephen's second son William remained a possible future rival to Henry.[70] Rumours of a plot to kill Henry were circulating and, possibly as a consequence, Henry decided to return to Normandy for a period.[70][nb 8] Stephen fell ill with a stomach disorder and died on 25 October 1154, allowing Henry to inherit the throne rather sooner than had been expected.[72] On landing in England on 8 December 1154, Henry quickly took oaths of loyalty from some of the barons and was then crowned alongside Eleanor at Westminster Abbey on 19 December.[73] The royal court was gathered in April 1155, where the barons swore fealty to the King and his sons.[73] Several potential rivals still existed, including Stephen's son William and Henry's brothers Geoffrey and William, but they all died in the next few years, leaving Henry's position remarkably secure.[74] Nonetheless, Henry inherited a difficult situation in England, as the kingdom had suffered extensively during the civil war.[nb 9] In many parts of the country the fighting had caused serious devastation, although some other areas remained largely unaffected.[76] Numerous "adulterine", or unauthorised, castles had been built as bases for local lords.[77] The royal forest law had collapsed in large parts of the country.[78] The king's income had declined seriously and royal control over the mints remained limited.[79] Henry presented himself as the legitimate heir to Henry I and commenced rebuilding the kingdom in his image.[80] Although Stephen had tried to continue Henry I's method of government during his reign, the younger Henry's new government characterised those nineteen years as a chaotic and troubled period, with all these problems resulting from Stephen's usurpation of the throne.[81] Henry was also careful to show that, unlike his mother the Empress, he would listen to the advice and counsel of others.[82] Various measures were immediately carried out although, since Henry spent six and a half years out of the first eight years of his reign in France, much work had to be done at a distance.[83] The process of demolishing the unauthorised castles from the war continued.[84][nb 10] Efforts were made to restore the system of royal justice and the royal finances. Henry also invested heavily in the construction and renovation of prestigious new royal buildings.[85] The King of Scotland and local Welsh rulers had taken advantage of the long civil war in England to seize disputed lands; Henry set about reversing this trend.[86] In 1157 pressure from Henry resulted in the young King Malcolm of Scotland returning the lands in the north of England he had taken during the war; Henry promptly began to refortify the northern frontier.[87] Restoring Anglo-Norman supremacy in Wales proved harder, and Henry had to fight two campaigns in north and south Wales in 1157 and 1158 before the Welsh princes Owain Gwynedd and Rhys ap Gruffydd submitted to his rule, agreeing to the pre-civil war borders.[88] Henry's claims over lands in France (in buff, orange and yellow) at their peak[89] Henry had a problematic relationship with Louis VII of France throughout the 1150s. The two men had already clashed over Henry's succession to Normandy and the remarriage of Eleanor, and the relationship was not repaired. Louis invariably attempted to take the moral high ground in respect to Henry, capitalising on his reputation as a crusader and circulating rumours about his rival's behaviour and character.[90] Henry had greater resources than Louis, particularly after taking England, and Louis was far less dynamic in resisting Angevin power than he had been earlier in his reign.[91] The disputes between the two drew in other powers across the region, including Thierry, the Count of Flanders, who signed a military alliance with Henry, albeit with a clause that prevented the count from being forced to fight against Louis, his feudal lord.[92] Further south, Theobald V, the Count of Blois, an enemy of Louis, became another early ally of Henry.[93] The resulting military tensions and the frequent face-to-face meetings to attempt to resolve them has led historian Jean Dunbabin to liken the situation to the period of the Cold War in Europe in the 20th century.[94] On his return to the continent from England, Henry sought to secure his French lands and quash any potential rebellion.[95] As a result, in 1154 Henry and Louis agreed a peace treaty, under which Henry bought back the Vernon and the Neuf-Marché from Louis.[30] The treaty appeared shaky, and tensions remained-in particular, Henry had not given homage to Louis for his French possessions.[96][nb 11] In an attempt to improve relations, Henry met with Louis at Paris and Mont-Saint-Michel in 1158, agreeing to betroth Henry's eldest living son, the Young Henry, to Louis's daughter Margaret.[98] The marriage deal would have involved Louis granting the disputed territory of the Vexin to Margaret on her marriage to the Young Henry: while this would ultimately give Henry the lands that he claimed, it also cunningly implied that the Vexin was Louis's to give away in the first place, in itself a political concession.[99] For a short while, a permanent peace between Henry and Louis looked plausible.[98] Meanwhile, Henry turned his attention to the Duchy of Brittany, which neighboured his lands and was traditionally largely independent from the rest of France, with its own language and culture.[100] The Breton dukes held little power across most of the duchy, which was mostly controlled by local lords.[101] In 1148, Duke Conan III died and civil war broke out.[102] Henry claimed to be the overlord of Brittany, on the basis that the duchy had owed loyalty to Henry I, and saw controlling the duchy both as a way of securing his other French territories and as a potential inheritance for one of his sons.[103][nb 12] Initially Henry's strategy was to rule indirectly through proxies, and accordingly Henry supported Conan IV's claims over most of the duchy, partly because Conan had strong English ties and could be easily influenced.[105] Conan's uncle, Hoël, continued to control the county of Nantes in the east until he was deposed in 1156 by Henry's brother, Geoffrey, possibly with Henry's support.[106] When Geoffrey died in 1158, Conan attempted to reclaim Nantes but was opposed by Henry who annexed it for himself.[107] Louis took no action to intervene as Henry steadily increased his power in Brittany.[108] Henry's eldest son, the Young Henry Henry hoped to take a similar approach to regaining control of Toulouse in southern France.[108] Toulouse, while technically part of the Duchy of Aquitaine, had become increasingly independent and was now ruled by Count Raymond V, who had only a weak claim to the lands.[109] Encouraged by Eleanor, Henry first allied himself with Raymond's enemy Raymond Berenguer of Barcelona and then in 1159 threatened to invade himself to depose Raymond.[109] Louis married his sister Constance to Raymond in an attempt to secure his southern frontiers; nonetheless, when Henry and Louis discussed the matter of Toulouse, Henry left believing that he had the French king's support for military intervention.[110] Henry invaded Toulouse, only to find Louis visiting Raymond in the city.[111] Henry was not prepared to directly attack Louis, who was still his feudal lord, and withdrew, settling himself with ravaging the surrounding county, seizing castles and taking the province of Quercy.[111] The episode proved to be a long-running point of dispute between the two kings and the chronicler William of Newburgh called the ensuing conflict with Toulouse a "forty years' war".[112] In the aftermath of the Toulouse episode, Louis made an attempt to repair relations with Henry through an 1160 peace treaty: this promised Henry the lands and the rights of his grandfather, Henry I; it reaffirmed the betrothal of Young Henry and Margaret and the Vexin deal; and it involved Young Henry giving homage to Louis, a way of reinforcing the young boy's position as heir and Louis's position as king.[113] Almost immediately after the peace conference, Louis shifted his position considerably. Louis's wife Constance died and Louis married Adèle, the sister of the Counts of Blois and Champagne.[114] Louis also betrothed daughters by Eleanor to Theobald of Blois's sons, Theobald and Henry.[115] This represented an aggressive containment strategy towards Henry rather than the agreed rapprochement, and caused Theobald to abandon his alliance with Henry.[115] Henry reacted angrily; the King had custody of both Young Henry and Margaret, and in November he bullied several papal legates into marrying them-despite the children being only five and three years old respectively-and promptly seized the Vexin.[116][nb 13] Now it was Louis's turn to be furious, as the move clearly broke the spirit of the 1160 treaty.[120] Military tensions between the two leaders immediately increased. Theobald mobilised his forces along the border with Touraine; Henry responded by attacking Chaumont in Blois in a surprise attack; he successfully took Theobald's castle in a notable siege.[115] At the start of 1161 war seemed likely to spread across the region, until a fresh peace was negotiated at Fréteval that autumn, followed by a second peace treaty in 1162, overseen by Pope Alexander III.[121] Despite this temporary halt in hostilities, Henry's seizure of the Vexin proved to be a second long-running dispute between him and the kings of France.[122] Early 14th-century representation of Henry and Thomas Becket Henry controlled more of France than any ruler since the Carolingians; these lands, combined with his possessions in England, Wales, Scotland and much of Ireland, produced a vast domain often referred to by historians as the Angevin Empire.[123] The empire lacked a coherent structure or central control; instead, it consisted of a loose, flexible network of family connections and lands.[124] Different local customs applied within each of Henry's different territories, although common principles underpinned some of these local variations.[125][nb 14] Henry travelled constantly across the empire, producing what the historian John Jolliffe describes as a "government of the roads and roadsides".[127][nb 15] His travels coincided with regional governmental reforms and other local administrative business, although messengers connected him to his possession wherever he went.[129] In his absence the lands were ruled by seneschals and justiciars, and beneath them local officials in each of the regions carried on with the business of government.[130] Nonetheless, many of the functions of government centred on Henry himself and he was often surrounded by petitioners requesting decisions or favours.[131][nb 16] From time to time, Henry's royal court became a magnum concilium, a great council; these were sometimes used to take major decisions but the term was loosely applied whenever many barons and bishops attended the king.[133] A great council was supposed to advise the king and give assent to royal decisions, although it is unclear how much freedom they actually enjoyed to oppose Henry's intentions.[134] Henry also appears to have consulted with his court when making legislation; the extent to which he then took their views into account is unclear.[135] As a powerful ruler, Henry was able to provide either valuable patronage or impose devastating harm on his subjects.[136] Using his powers of patronage, Henry was very effective at finding and keeping competent officials, including within the Church, in the 12th century a key part of royal administration.[137] Indeed, royal patronage within the Church provided an effective route to advancement under Henry and most of his preferred clerics eventually became bishops and archbishops.[138][nb 17] Henry could also show his ira et malevolentia-"anger and ill-will"-a term that described his ability to punish or financially destroy particular barons or clergy.[140] In England, Henry initially relied on his father's former advisers whom he brought with him from Normandy, and on some of Henry I's remaining officials, reinforced with some of Stephen's senior nobility who made their peace with Henry in 1153.[141] During his reign Henry, like his grandfather, increasingly promoted "new men", minor nobles without independent wealth and lands, to positions of authority in England.[142] By the 1180s this new class of royal administrators was predominant in England, supported by various illegitimate members of Henry's family.[143] In Normandy, the links between the two halves of the Anglo-Norman nobility had weakened during the first half of the 12th century, and continued to do so under Henry.[144] Henry drew his close advisers from the ranks of the Norman bishops and, as in England, recruited many "new men" as Norman administrators: few of the larger landowners in Normandy benefited from the king's patronage.[145] Henry frequently intervened with the Norman nobility through arranged marriages or the treatment of inheritances, either using his authority as duke or his influence as king of England over their lands there: Henry's rule was a harsh one. Across the rest of France, local administration was less developed: Anjou was governed through a combination of officials called prévôts and seneschals based along the Loire and in western Touraine, but Henry had few officials elsewhere in the region.[146] In Aquitaine, ducal authority remained very limited, despite increasing significantly during Henry's reign, largely due to Richard's efforts in the late 1170s.[147] Court and family An illuminated diagram showing Henry II and the heads of his children; coloured lines connect the two to show the lineal descent 13th-century depiction of Henry and his legitimate children: (l to r) William, Young Henry, Richard, Matilda, Geoffrey, Eleanor, Joan and John Henry's wealth allowed him to maintain what was probably the largest curia regis, or royal court, in Europe.[148] His court attracted huge attention from contemporary chroniclers, and typically comprised several major nobles and bishops, along with knights, domestic servants, prostitutes, clerks, horses and hunting dogs.[149][nb 18] Within the court were his officials, ministeriales, his friends, amici, and the familiares regis, the king's informal inner circle of confidants and trusted servants.[151] Henry's familiares were particularly important to the operation of his household and government, driving government initiatives and filling the gaps between the official structures and the king.[152] Henry tried to maintain a sophisticated household that combined hunting and drinking with cosmopolitan literary discussion and courtly values.[153][nb 19] Nonetheless, Henry's passion was for hunting, for which the court became famous.[155] Henry had several preferred royal hunting lodges and apartments across his lands, and invested heavily in his royal castles, both for their practical utility as fortresses, and as symbols of royal power and prestige.[156] The court was relatively formal in its style and language, possibly because Henry was attempting to compensate for his own sudden rise to power and relatively humble origins as the son of a count.[157] He opposed the holding of tournaments, probably because of the security risk that such gatherings of armed knights posed in peacetime.[158] Chinon Castle, extensively used by Henry The Angevin Empire and court was, as historian John Gillingham describes it, "a family firm".[159] His mother, Matilda, played an important role in his early life and exercised influence for many years later.[160] Henry's relationship with his wife Eleanor was complex: Henry trusted Eleanor to manage England for several years after 1154, and was later content for her to govern Aquitaine; indeed, Eleanor was believed to have influence over Henry during much of their marriage.[161] Ultimately, their relationship disintegrated and chroniclers and historians have speculated on what ultimately caused Eleanor to abandon Henry to support her older sons in the Great Revolt of 1173-74.[162] Probable explanations include Henry's persistent interference in Aquitaine, his recognition of Raymond of Toulouse in 1173, or his harsh temper.[163] Henry had several long-term mistresses, including Annabel de Balliol and Rosamund Clifford.[164][nb 20] Henry had eight legitimate children by Eleanor, five sons-William, the Young Henry, Richard, Geoffrey and John, and three daughters, Matilda, Eleanor and Joan.[nb 21] Henry also had several illegitimate children; amongst the most prominent of these were Geoffrey (later Archbishop of York) and William (later Earl of Salisbury).[166] Henry was expected to provide for the future of his legitimate children, either through granting lands to his sons or marrying his daughters well.[167] Henry's family was divided by rivalries and violent hostilities, more so than many other royal families of the day, in particular the relatively cohesive French Capetians.[168] Various suggestions have been put forward to explain Henry's family's bitter disputes, from their inherited family genetics to the failure of Henry and Eleanor's parenting.[169] Other theories focus on the personalities of Henry and his children.[170] Historians such as Matthew Strickland have argued that Henry made sensible attempts to manage the tensions within his family, and that had the King died younger, the succession might have proven much smoother.[171] Henry's reign saw significant legal changes, particularly in England and Normandy.[172][nb 22] By the middle of the 12th century, England had many different ecclesiastical and civil law courts, with overlapping jurisdictions resulting from the interaction of diverse legal traditions. Henry greatly expanded the role of royal justice in England, producing a more coherent legal system, summarised at the end of his reign in the treatise of Glanvill, an early legal handbook.[174] Despite these reforms it is uncertain if Henry had a grand vision for his new legal system and the reforms seem to have proceeded in a steady, pragmatic fashion.[175] Indeed, in most cases he was probably not personally responsible for creating the new processes, but he was greatly interested in the law, seeing the delivery of justice as one of the key tasks for a king and carefully appointing good administrators to conduct the reforms.[176][nb 23] In the aftermath of the disorders of Stephen's reign in England there were many legal cases concerning land to be resolved: many religious houses had lost land during the conflict, while in other cases owners and heirs had been dispossessed of their property by local barons, which in some cases had since been sold or given to new owners.[178] Henry relied on traditional, local courts-such as the shire courts, hundred courts and in particular seignorial courts-to deal with most of these cases, hearing only a few personally.[179] This process was far from perfect and in many cases claimants were unable to pursue their cases effectively.[180] While interested in the law, during the first years of his reign Henry was preoccupied with other political issues and even finding the King for a hearing could mean travelling across the Channel and locating his peripatetic court.[181] Nonetheless, Henry was prepared to take action to improve the existing procedures, intervening in cases which he felt had been mishandled, and creating legislation to improve both ecclesiastical and civil court processes.[182] Meanwhile, in neighbouring Normandy, Henry delivered justice through the courts run by his officials across the duchy and occasionally these cases made their way to the King himself.[183] He also operated an exchequer court at Caen that heard cases relating to royal revenues and maintained king's justices who travelled across the duchy.[184] Between 1159 and 1163, Henry spent time in Normandy conducting reforms of royal and church courts and some measures later introduced in England are recorded as existing in Normandy as early as 1159.[185] In 1163 Henry returned to England, intent on reforming the role of the royal courts.[186] He cracked down on crime, seizing the belongings of thieves and fugitives, and travelling justices were dispatched to the north and the Midlands.[187] After 1166, Henry's exchequer court in Westminster, which had previously only heard cases connected with royal revenues, began to take wider civil cases on behalf of the king.[188] The reforms continued and Henry created the General Eyre, probably in 1176, which involved dispatching a group of royal justices to visit all the counties in England over a given period of time, with authority to cover both civil and criminal cases.[189] Local juries were used occasionally in previous reigns, but Henry made much wider use of them.[190] Juries were introduced in petty assizes from around 1176, where they were used to establish the answers to particular pre-established questions, and in grand assizes from 1179, where they were used to determine the guilt of a defendant.[190] Other methods of trial continued, including trial by combat and trial by ordeal.[191] After the Assize of Clarendon in 1166, royal justice was extended into new areas through the use of new forms of assizes, in particular novel disseisin, mort d'ancestor and dower unde nichil habet, which dealt with the wrongful dispossession of land, inheritance rights and the rights of widows respectively.[192] In making these reforms Henry both challenged the traditional rights of barons in dispensing justice and reinforced key feudal principles, but over time they greatly increased royal power in England.[193][nb 24] Henry's relationship with the Church varied considerably across his lands and over time: as with other aspects of his rule, there was no attempt to form a common ecclesiastical policy.[194] Insofar as Henry had a policy, it was to generally resist papal influence, increasing his own local authority.[195] The 12th century saw a reforming movement within the Church, advocating greater autonomy from royal authority for the clergy and more influence for the papacy.[196] This trend had already caused tensions in England, for example when King Stephen forced Theobald of Bec, the Archbishop of Canterbury, into exile in 1152.[197] There were also long-running concerns over the legal treatment of members of the clergy.[198] By contrast with the tensions in England, in Normandy Henry had occasional disagreements with the Church but generally enjoyed very good relations with the Norman bishops.[199] In Brittany, Henry had the support of the local church hierarchy and rarely intervened in clerical matters, except occasionally to cause difficulties for his rival Louis of France.[200] Further south, the power of the dukes of Aquitaine over the local church was much less than in the north, and Henry's efforts to extend his influence over local appointments created tensions.[201] During the disputed papal election of 1159, Henry, like Louis, supported Alexander III over his rival Victor IV.[117] Henry was not an especially pious king by medieval standards.[202] In England, he provided steady patronage to the monastic houses, but established few new monasteries and was relatively conservative in determining which he did support, favouring those with established links to his family, such as Reading Abbey.[203] In this regard Henry's religious tastes appear to have been influenced by his mother, and before his ascension several religious charters were issued in their joint names.[31] Henry also founded religious hospitals in England and France.[204] After the death of Becket, Henry built and endowed various monasteries in France, primarily to improve his popular image.[205] Since travel by sea during the period was dangerous, he would also take full confession before setting sail and use auguries to determine the best time to travel.[206] Henry's movements may also have been planned to take advantage of saints' days and other fortuitous occasions.[207] Henry restored many of the old financial institutions of his grandfather Henry I and undertook further, long-lasting reforms of the way that the English currency was managed; one result was a long-term increase in the supply of money within the economy, leading to a growth both in trade and inflation.[208] Medieval rulers such as Henry enjoyed various sources of income during the 12th century. Some of their income came from their private estates, called demesne; other income came from imposing legal fines and arbitrary amercements, and from taxes, which at this time were raised only intermittently.[209] Kings could also raise funds by borrowing; Henry did this far more than earlier English rulers, initially through moneylenders in Rouen, turning later in his reign to Jewish and Flemish lenders.[210] Ready cash was increasingly important to rulers during the 12th century to enable the use of mercenary forces and the construction of stone castles, both vital to successful military campaigns.[211] Henry inherited a difficult situation in England in 1154. Henry I had established a system of royal finances that depended upon three key institutions: a central royal treasury in London, supported by treasuries in key castles; the exchequer that accounted for payments to the treasuries; and a team of royal officials called "the chamber" that followed the king's travels, spending money as necessary and collecting revenues along the way.[212] The long civil war had caused considerable disruption to this system and some figures suggest that royal income fell by 46% between 1129-30 and 1155-56.[213] A new coin, called the Awbridge silver penny, was issued in 1153 in an attempt to stabilise the English currency after the war.[214] Less is known about how financial affairs were managed in Henry's continental possessions, but a very similar system operated in Normandy, and a comparable system probably operated in both Anjou and Aquitaine.[215] On taking power Henry gave a high priority to the restoration of royal finances in England, reviving Henry I's financial processes and attempting to improve the quality of the royal accounting.[216] Revenue from the demesne formed the bulk of Henry's income in England, although taxes were used heavily in the first 11 years of his reign.[217] Aided by the capable Richard FitzNeal, Henry reformed the currency in 1158, putting his name on English coins for the first time and heavily reducing the number of moneyers licensed to produce coins.[218][nb 25] These measures were successful in improving his income, but on his return to England in the 1160s Henry took further steps.[222] New taxes were introduced and the existing accounts re-audited, and the reforms of the legal system brought in new streams of money from fines and amercements.[223] A wholesale reform of the coinage occurred in 1180, with royal officials taking direct control of the mints and passing the profits directly to the treasury.[224] A new penny, called the Short Cross, was introduced, and the number of mints reduced substantially to ten across the country.[225] Driven by the reforms, the royal revenues increased significantly; during the first part of the reign, Henry's average exchequer income was only around £18,000; after 1166, the average was around £22,000.[226] One economic effect of these changes was a substantial increase in the amount of money in circulation in England and, post-1180, a significant, long-term increase in both inflation and trade.[227] Long-running tensions between Henry and Louis VII continued during the 1160s, the French king slowly becoming more vigorous in opposing Henry's increasing power in Europe.[108] In 1160 Louis strengthened his alliances in central France with the Count of Champagne and Odo II, the Duke of Burgundy. Three years later the new Count of Flanders, Philip, concerned about Henry's growing power, openly allied himself with the French king.[228] Louis's wife Adèle gave birth to a male heir, Philip II Augustus, in 1165, and Louis was more confident of his own position than for many years previously.[229] As a result, relations between Henry and Louis deteriorated again in the mid-1160s.[230] Meanwhile, Henry had begun to alter his policy of indirect rule in Brittany and started to exert more direct control.[231] In 1164 Henry intervened to seize lands along the border of Brittany and Normandy, and in 1166 invaded Brittany to punish the local barons.[232] Henry then forced Conan to abdicate as duke and to give Brittany to his daughter Constance; Constance was handed over and betrothed to Henry's son Geoffrey.[232] This arrangement was quite unusual in terms of medieval law, as Conan might have had sons who could have legitimately inherited the duchy.[233][nb 26] Elsewhere in France, Henry attempted to seize the Auvergne, much to the anger of the French king.[234] Further south Henry continued to apply pressure on Raymond of Toulouse: the King campaigned there personally in 1161, sent the Archbishop of Bordeaux against Raymond in 1164 and encouraged Alfonso II of Aragon in his attacks.[235] In 1165 Raymond divorced Louis's sister and attempted to ally himself with Henry instead.[234] These growing tensions between Henry and Louis finally spilled over into open war in 1167, triggered by a trivial argument over how money destined for the Crusader states of the Levant should be collected.[234] Louis allied himself with the Welsh, Scots and Bretons, and the French king attacked Normandy.[236] Henry responded by attacking Chaumont-sur-Epte, where Louis kept his main military arsenal, burning the town to the ground and forcing Louis to abandon his allies and make a private truce.[237] Henry was then free to move against the rebel barons in Brittany, where feelings about his seizure of the duchy were still running high.[238] As the decade progressed, Henry increasingly wanted to resolve the question of the inheritance. He decided that he would divide up his empire after his death, with Young Henry receiving England and Normandy, Richard being given the Duchy of Aquitaine, and Geoffrey acquiring Brittany.[239] This would require the consent of Louis as king of France, and accordingly Henry and Louis held fresh peace talks in 1169 at Montmirail.[240] The talks were wide-ranging, culminating with Henry's sons giving homage to Louis for their future inheritances in France, and with Richard being betrothed to Louis's daughter Alys.[241] If the agreements at Montmirail had been followed up, the acts of homage could potentially have confirmed Louis's position as king, while undermining the legitimacy of any rebellious barons within Henry's territories and the potential for an alliance between them and Louis.[242] In practice,Louis perceived himself to have gained a temporary advantage, and immediately after the conference he began to encourage tensions between Henry's sons.[243] Meanwhile, Henry's position in the south of France continued to improve, and by 1173 he had agreed to an alliance with Humbert, the Count of Savoy, which betrothed Henry's son John and Humbert's daughter Alicia.[235][nb 27] Henry's daughter Eleanor was married to Alfonso VIII of Castile in 1170, enlisting an additional ally in the south.[235] In February 1173, Raymond finally gave in and publicly gave homage for Toulouse to Henry and his heirs.[235] One of the major international events surrounding Henry during the 1160s was the Becket controversy. When the Archbishop of Canterbury, Theobald of Bec, died in 1161 Henry saw an opportunity to reassert his rights over the church in England.[244] Henry appointed Thomas Becket, his English Chancellor, as archbishop in 1162, probably believing that Becket, in addition to being an old friend, would be politically weakened within the Church because of his former role as Chancellor, and would therefore have to rely on Henry's support.[245] Both Matilda and Eleanor appear to have had doubts about the appointment, but Henry continued regardless.[246] His plan did not have the desired result, as Becket promptly changed his lifestyle, abandoned his links to the King and portrayed himself as a staunch protector of church rights.[247] Henry and Becket quickly disagreed over several issues, including Becket's attempts to regain control of lands belonging to the archbishopric and his views on Henry's taxation policies.[248] The main source of conflict concerned the treatment of clergy who committed secular crimes: Henry argued that the legal custom in England allowed the king to enforce justice over these clerics, while Becket maintained that only church courts could try the cases. The matter came to a head in January 1164, when Henry forced through agreement to the Constitutions of Clarendon; under tremendous pressure, Becket temporarily agreed but changed his position shortly afterwards.[249] The legal argument was complex at the time and remains contentious.[250][nb 28] The argument between Henry and Becket became both increasingly personal and international in nature. Henry was stubborn and bore grudges, while Becket was vain, ambitious and overly political: neither man was willing to back down.[252] Both sought the support of Alexander III and other international leaders, arguing their positions in various forums across Europe.[253] The situation worsened in 1164 when Becket fled to France to seek sanctuary with Henry's enemy, Louis VII.[254] Henry harassed Becket's associates in England, and Becket excommunicated religious and secular officials who sided with the king.[255] The pope supported Becket's case in principle but needed Henry's support in dealing with Frederick I, Holy Roman Emperor, so he repeatedly sought a negotiated solution; the Norman church also intervened to try to assist Henry in finding a solution.[256] By 1169, Henry had decided to crown his son Young Henry as king of England. This required the acquiescence of Becket as the Archbishop of Canterbury, traditionally the churchman with the right to conduct the ceremony. Furthermore, the whole Becket matter was an increasing international embarrassment to Henry. He began to take a more conciliatory tone with Becket but, when this failed, had Young Henry crowned anyway by the Archbishop of York. The pope authorized Becket to lay an interdict on England, forcing Henry back to negotiations; they finally came to terms in July 1170, and Becket returned to England in early December. Just when the dispute seemed resolved, Becket excommunicated another three supporters of Henry: the King was furious and infamously announced "What miserable drones and traitors have I nourished and promoted in my household, who let their lord be treated with such shameful contempt by a low-born clerk!"[257] In response, four knights made their way secretly to Canterbury, apparently with the intent of confronting and if necessary arresting Becket for breaking his agreement with Henry.[258] The Archbishop refused to be arrested by relatively low-born knights, so they hacked him to death on 29 December 1170.[259] This event, particularly in front of an altar, horrified Christian Europe. Although Becket had not been popular while he was alive, in death he was declared a martyr by the local monks.[260] Louis seized on the case, and, despite efforts by the Norman church to prevent the French church from taking action, a new interdict was announced on Henry's possessions.[261] Henry was focused on dealing with Ireland and took no action to arrest Becket's killers, arguing that he was unable to do so.[262] International pressure on Henry grew, and in May 1172 he negotiated a settlement with the papacy in which the King swore to go on crusade as well as effectively overturning the Constitutions of Clarendon.[263] In the coming years, although Henry never actually went on crusade, he exploited the growing "cult of Becket" for his own ends.[264] In the mid-12th century Ireland was ruled by local kings, although their authority was more limited than their counterparts in the rest of western Europe.[265] Mainstream Europeans regarded the Irish as relatively barbarous and backward.[266] In the 1160s King Diarmait Mac Murchada was deposed as King of Leinster by the High King of Ireland, Tairrdelbach Ua Conchobair. Diarmait turned to Henry for assistance in 1167, and the English king agreed to allow Diarmait to recruit mercenaries within his empire.[267] Diarmait put together a force of Anglo-Norman and Flemish mercenaries drawn from the Welsh Marches, including Richard de Clare.[268] With his new supporters, he reclaimed Leinster but died shortly afterwards in 1171; de Clare then claimed Leinster for himself. The situation in Ireland was tense and the Anglo-Normans heavily outnumbered.[269] Henry took this opportunity to intervene personally in Ireland. He took a large army into south Wales, forcing the rebels who had held the area since 1165 into submission before sailing from Pembroke and landing in Ireland in October 1171.[270] Some of the Irish lords appealed to Henry to protect them from the Anglo-Norman invaders, while de Clare offered to submit to Henry if he was allowed to retain his new possessions.[269] Henry's timing was influenced by several factors, including encouragement from Pope Alexander, who saw the opportunity to establish papal authority over the Irish church.[271] The critical factor though appears to have been Henry's concern that his nobles in the Welsh Marches would acquire independent territories of their own in Ireland, beyond the reach of his authority.[272] Henry's intervention was successful, and both the Irish and Anglo-Normans in the south and east of Ireland accepted his rule.[273] Henry undertook a wave of castle-building during his visit in 1171 to protect his new territories-the Anglo-Normans had superior military technologies to the Irish, and castles gave them a significant advantage.[274] Henry hoped for a longer-term political solution, similar to his approach in Wales and Scotland, and in 1175 he agreed to the Treaty of Windsor, under which Rory O'Connor would be recognised as the high king of Ireland, giving homage to Henry and maintaining stability on the ground on his behalf.[275] This policy proved unsuccessful, as O'Connor was unable to exert sufficient influence and force in areas such as Munster: Henry instead intervened more directly, establishing a system of local fiefs of his own through a conference held in Oxford in 1177.[276] Events in Normandy, summer 1173 In 1173 Henry faced the Great Revolt, an uprising by his eldest sons and rebellious barons, supported by France, Scotland and Flanders. Several grievances underpinned the revolt. Young Henry was unhappy that, despite the title of king, in practice he made no real decisions and was kept chronically short of money by Henry.[277] Young Henry had also been very attached to Thomas Becket, his former tutor, and may have held his father responsible for Becket's death.[245] Geoffrey faced similar difficulties; Duke Conan of Brittany had died in 1171, but Geoffrey and Constance were still unmarried, leaving Geoffrey in limbo without his own lands.[278] Richard was encouraged to join the revolt as well by Eleanor, whose relationship with Henry, as previously described, had disintegrated.[279] Meanwhile, local barons unhappy with Henry's rule saw opportunities to recover traditional powers and influence by allying themselves with his sons.[280] The final straw was Henry's decision to give his youngest son John three major castles belonging to Young Henry, who first protested and then fled to Paris, followed by his brothers Richard and Geoffrey; Eleanor attempted to join them but was captured by Henry's forces in November.[281] Louis supported Young Henry and war became imminent.[282] Young Henry wrote to the pope, complaining about his father's behaviour, and began to acquire allies, including King William of Scotland and the Counts of Boulogne, Flanders and Blois-all of whom were promised lands if Young Henry won.[283] Major baronial revolts broke out in England, Brittany, Maine, Poitou and Angoulême.[284] In Normandy some of the border barons rose up and, although the majority of the duchy remained openly loyal, there appears to have been a wider undercurrent of discontent.[285][nb 29] Only Anjou proved relatively secure.[284] Despite the size and scope of the crisis, Henry had several advantages, including his control of many powerful royal castles in strategic areas, control of most of the English ports throughout the war, and his continuing popularity within the towns across his empire.[287] In May 1173 Louis and the Young King probed the defences of the Vexin, the main route to the Norman capital, Rouen; armies invaded from Flanders and Blois, attempting a pincer movement, while rebels from Brittany invaded from the west.[288] Henry secretly travelled back to England to order an offensive on the rebels, and on his return counter-attacked Louis's army, massacring many of them and pushing them back across the border.[289] An army was dispatched to drive back the Brittany rebels, whom Henry then pursued, surprised and captured.[290] Henry offered to negotiate with his sons, but these discussions at Gisors soon broke down.[290] Meanwhile, the fighting in England proved evenly balanced until a royal army defeated a superior force of rebel and Flemish reinforcements in September in the battle of Fornham near Fornham in East Anglia.[291] Henry took advantage of this respite to crush the rebel strongholds in Touraine, securing the strategically important route through his empire.[292] In January 1174 the forces of Young Henry and Louis attacked again, threatening to push through into central Normandy.[292] The attack failed and the fighting paused while the winter weather set in.[292] In early 1174, Henry's enemies appeared to have tried to lure him back into England, allowing them to attack Normandy in his absence.[292] As part of this plan, William of Scotland attacked the south of England, supported by the northern English rebels; additional Scottish forces were sent into the Midlands, where the rebel barons were making good progress.[293] Henry refused the bait and instead focused on crushing opposition in south-west France, and William's campaign began to falter as the Scots failed to take the key northern royal castles, in part due to the efforts of Henry's illegitimate son, Geoffrey.[294] In an effort to reinvigorate the plan, Philip, the Count of Flanders, announced his intention to invade England and sent an advance force into East Anglia.[295] The prospective Flemish invasion forced Henry to return to England in early July.[296] Louis and Philip could now push overland into eastern Normandy and reached Rouen.[296] Henry travelled to Becket's tomb in Canterbury, where he announced that the rebellion was a divine punishment on him, and took appropriate penance; this made a major difference in restoring his royal authority at a critical moment in the conflict.[297] Word then reached Henry that King William had been defeated and captured by local forces at Alnwick, crushing the rebel cause in the north.[296] The remaining English rebel strongholds collapsed and in August Henry returned to Normandy.[298] Louis had not yet been able to take Rouen, and Henry's forces fell upon the French army just before the final French assault on the city began; pushed back into France, Louis requested peace talks, bringing an end to the conflict.[298] Final years (1175-1189) In the aftermath of the Great Revolt, Henry held negotiations at Montlouis, offering a lenient peace on the basis of the pre-war status quo.[299] Henry and Young Henry swore not to take revenge on each other's followers; Young Henry agreed to the transfer of the disputed castles to John, but in exchange the elder Henry agreed to give the younger Henry two castles in Normandy and 15,000 Angevin pounds; Richard and Geoffrey were granted half the revenues from Aquitaine and Brittany respectively.[300][nb 30] Eleanor was kept under effective house arrest until the 1180s.[302] The rebel barons were kept imprisoned for a short time and in some cases fined, then restored to their lands.[303] The rebel castles in England and Aquitaine were destroyed.[304] Henry was less generous to William of Scotland, who was not released until he had agreed to the Treaty of Falaise in December 1174, under which he publicly gave homage to Henry and surrendered five key Scottish castles to Henry's men.[305] Philip of Flanders declared his neutrality towards Henry, in return for which the King agreed to provide him with regular financial support.[92] Henry now appeared to his contemporaries to be stronger than ever, and he was courted as an ally by many European leaders and asked to arbitrate over international disputes in Spain and Germany.[306] He was nonetheless busy resolving some of the weaknesses that he believed had exacerbated the revolt. Henry set about extending royal justice in England to reassert his authority and spent time in Normandy shoring up support amongst the barons.[307] The King also made use of the growing Becket cult to increase his own prestige, using the power of the saint to explain his victory in 1174, especially his success in capturing William.[308] The 1174 peace did not deal with the long-running tensions between Henry and Louis, and these resurfaced during the late 1170s.[309] The two kings now began to compete for control of Berry, a prosperous region of value to both kings.[309] Henry had some rights to western Berry, but in 1176 announced an extraordinary claim that he had agreed in 1169 to give Richard's fiancée Alys the whole province as part of the marriage settlement.[310] If Louis accepted this, it would have implied that the Berry was Henry's to give away in the first place, and would have given Henry the right to occupy it on Richard's behalf.[311] To put additional pressure on Louis, Henry mobilised his armies for war.[309] The papacy intervened and, probably as Henry had planned, the two kings were encouraged to sign a non-aggression treaty in September 1177, under which they promised to undertake a joint crusade.[311] The ownership of the Auvergne and parts of the Berry were put to an arbitration panel, which reported in favour of Henry; Henry followed up this success by purchasing La Marche from the local count.[312] This expansion of Henry's empire once again threatened French security and promptly put the new peace at risk.[313] In the late 1170s Henry focused on trying to create a stable system of government, increasingly ruling through his family, but tensions over the succession arrangements were never far away, ultimately leading to a fresh revolt.[314] Having quelled the left-over rebels from the Great Revolt, Richard was recognised by Henry as the Duke of Aquitaine in 1179.[315] In 1181 Geoffrey finally married Constance of Brittany and became Duke of Brittany; by now most of Brittany accepted Angevin rule, and Geoffrey was able to deal with the remaining disturbances on his own.[316] John had spent the Great Revolt travelling alongside his father and most observers now began to regard the prince as Henry's favourite child.[317] Henry began to grant John more lands, mostly at various nobles' expense, and i | Plantagenet, Henry II King of England (I7996)
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| 4285 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Plantagenet-167 BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS.ORG: Edward I 'Longshanks', king of England, was born on 17 June 1239, the son of Henry III, king of England, and Eleanor de Provence. As a boy Edward was once in the middle of a game of chess with one of his knights in a vaulted room when suddenly, for no apparent reason, he got up and walked away. Seconds later, a massive stone, which would have completely crushed anyone who happened to be underneath it, fell from the roof on to the very spot where he had been sitting. With his mother's strength but without her frivolity, Edward I became a great statesman and an able soldier. He supported his weak father, King Henry III, during the civil wars inflicted upon England by the barons. He was only fifteen when he went to Spain to be knighted by King Alfonso X of Castile and to marry that king's half-sister, Eleanor. This marriage, like that of his parents, was a happy one and produced fifteen children, of whom only six reached adulthood. After peace was restored in England, Edward went on crusade in 1270, accompanied by Eleanor. In June 1272 a member of the Hashshashin, a secret society of assassins, who was employed by one of the emirs in negotiation with Edward, obtained a private interview with him under pretence of important secret business, then suddenly attacked him with a dagger, wounding him in the arm. Edward repelled him with a vigorous kick and, seizing a stool, knocked him down and snatched the dagger from him. In doing this, however, he wounded himself in the forehead. As the dagger was poisoned, Edward's wounds gave cause for great anxiety; he made his will, appointing executors and guardians for his children. However the skills of his surgeon saved his life. In November 1272, when Edward and Eleanor were in Sicily on their way back, his father died. As they knew Edward I's mother to be a capable regent, they did not hurry and so did not arrive in England until the summer of 1274. Edward and Eleanor were then crowned together in Westminster Abbey on 19 August 1274. In 1279 he proclaimed an edict to the effect that clipped money should no longer be circulated, nor should anyone be forced to accept it. He then designated a small number of places where money could be exchanged and within a short time no one would consider accepting it. Edward kept in touch with and encouraged the parliament. His continuous if unsuccessful attempts to rule Scotland earned him the name of 'Hammer of the Scots'. However, his sojourns into Wales were more successful, and after the death of the last two native princes, Llywellyn and David, Edward I created his son and heir Prince of Wales in February 1301. In 1290 Eleanor died, and nine years later he married Margaret of France. This marriage was not unhappy and produced three more children. In 1296, while campaigning in Scotland, Edward removed the Stone of Scone on which the kings of Scots had always been crowned. He ordered a wooden chair to be made, which from then on contained the stone and was used for the coronation of English and British monarchs. In 1298 Edward met William Wallace at the battle of Falkirk. On the night before the battle he slept on the ground, his shield for a pillow and his horse beside him. The horse stepped on his royal master as he lay asleep, and in the confusion of darkness the alarm spread that the king was wounded. Only slightly hurt, Edward went into battle in the morning, but his victory that day was not followed up. Having survived the murderous attack in Palestine, there were still more miraculous escapes. In Paris lightning passed over his shoulders and slew two of his attendants; and when his horse leapt the town wall at Winchelsea he was uninjured. At the siege of Stirling a bolt from a crossbow struck his saddle as he rode unarmed, and a stone from a mangonel brought his horse down. Even illness had seemed to pass him by, but while on a military campaign he became ill with dysentery, and he died aged sixty-eight on 7 July 1307, at Burgh on the Sands near Carlisle in Scotland. In his last words he was still the warrior: 'Carry my bones before you on your march. For the rebels will not be able to endure the sight of me, alive or dead'. | Plantagenet, Henry III King of England (I8076)
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| 4286 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Plantagenet-2 From Wikipedia: Edward I (17/18 June 1239 - 7 July 1307), also known as Edward Longshanks and the Hammer of the Scots (Latin: Malleus Scotorum), was King of England from 1272 to 1307. Before his accession to the throne, he was commonly referred to as The Lord Edward.[1] The first son of Henry III, Edward was involved from an early age in the political intrigues of his father's reign, which included an outright rebellion by the English barons. In 1259, he briefly sided with a baronial reform movement, supporting the Provisions of Oxford. After reconciliation with his father, however, he remained loyal throughout the subsequent armed conflict, known as the Second Barons' War. After the Battle of Lewes, Edward was hostage to the rebellious barons, but escaped after a few months and defeated the baronial leader Simon de Montfort at the Battle of Evesham in 1265. Within two years the rebellion was extinguished and, with England pacified, Edward joined the Ninth Crusade to the Holy Land. The crusade accomplished little, and Edward was on his way home in 1272 when he was informed that his father had died. Making a slow return, he reached England in 1274 and was crowned at Westminster Abbey on 19 August. Edward spent much of his reign reforming royal administration and common law. Through an extensive legal inquiry, he investigated the tenure of various feudal liberties, while the law was reformed through a series of statutes regulating criminal and property law. Increasingly, however, Edward's attention was drawn towards military affairs. After suppressing a minor rebellion in Wales in 1276-77, Edward responded to a second rebellion in 1282-83 with a full-scale war of conquest. After a successful campaign, he subjected Wales to English rule, built a series of castles and towns in the countryside and settled them with English people. Next, his efforts were directed towards Scotland. Initially invited to arbitrate a succession dispute, Edward claimed feudal suzerainty over the kingdom. The war that followed continued after Edward's death, even though the English seemed victorious at several points. Simultaneously, Edward found himself at war with France (a Scottish ally) after the French king Philip IV had confiscated the Duchy of Gascony, which until then had been held in personal union with the Kingdom of England. Although Edward recovered his duchy, this conflict relieved English military pressure against Scotland. At the same time there were problems at home. In the mid-1290s, extensive military campaigns required high levels of taxation, and Edward met with both lay and ecclesiastical opposition. These crises were initially averted, but issues remained unsettled. When the King died in 1307, he left to his son Edward II an ongoing war with Scotland and many financial and political problems. Edward I was a tall man (6'2") for his era, hence the nickname "Longshanks". He was temperamental, and this, along with his height, made him an intimidating man, and he often instilled fear in his contemporaries. Nevertheless, he held the respect of his subjects for the way he embodied the medieval ideal of kingship, as a soldier, an administrator and a man of faith. Modern historians are divided on their assessment of Edward I: while some have praised him for his contribution to the law and administration, others have criticised him for his uncompromising attitude towards his nobility. Currently, Edward I is credited with many accomplishments during his reign, including restoring royal authority after the reign of Henry III, establishing Parliament as a permanent institution and thereby also a functional system for raising taxes, and reforming the law through statutes. At the same time, he is also often criticised for other actions, such as his brutal conduct towards the Welsh and Scots, and issuing the Edict of Expulsion in 1290, by which the Jews were expelled from England. The Edict remained in effect for the rest of the Middle Ages, and it was over 350 years until it was formally overturned under Oliver Cromwell in 1657. | Plantagenet, Edward I King of England (I8070)
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| 4287 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Plantagenet-533 From Wikipedia: Elizabeth of Rhuddlan (7 August 1282 - 5 May 1316) was the eighth and youngest daughter of King Edward I and Queen Eleanor of Castile. Of all of her siblings, she was closest to her younger brother King Edward II, as they were only two years apart in age. First marriage In April 1285 there were negotiations with Floris V for Elizabeth's betrothal to his son John I, Count of Holland. The offer was accepted and John was sent to England to be educated. On 8 January 1297 Elizabeth was married to John at Ipswich. In attendance at the marriage were Elizabeth's sister Margaret, her father, Edward I of England, her brother Edward, and Humphrey de Bohun. After the wedding Elizabeth was expected to go to Holland with her husband, but did not wish to go, leaving her husband to go alone. It is recorded that while in Ipswich the King, in some outburst, threw his daughter's coronet into the fire: a great ruby and a great emerald were supplied by Adam the Goldsmith for stones lost as a result.[1] After some time travelling England, it was decided Elizabeth should follow her husband. Her father accompanied her, travelling through the Southern Netherlands between Antwerp, Mechelen, Leuven and Brussels, before ending up in Ghent. There they remained for a few months, spending Christmas with her two sisters Eleanor and Margaret. On 10 November 1299, John died of dysentery, though there were rumours of his murder. No children had been born from the marriage. Second marriage On her return trip to England, Elizabeth went through Brabant to see her sister Margaret. When she arrived in England, she met her stepmother Margaret, whom Edward had married while she was in Holland. On 14 November 1302 Elizabeth was married to Humphrey de Bohun, 4th Earl of Hereford, 3rd of Essex, also Constable of England, at Westminster Abbey. | Plantagenet, Elizabeth de Bohun (I8069)
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| 4288 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Provence-162 BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS.ORG: Eleanor was born about 1223, the daughter of Raimund Berengar V, comte de Provence, and Béatrice de Savoie. She was about twelve when she had to leave the warmth of southern France to marry an unknown man in the cold of the English winter, becoming Henry III's queen on 4 January 1236. Henry had first tried to marry Jeanne, countess of Ponthieu, until he was told by his brother Richard of the beauty of the four Provence sisters. Richard married Sancha and the two other sisters were also married to two brothers: Marguerite to King Louis IX of France and Beatrice to Charles I Etienne, king of Naples and Louis IX's younger brother. Eleanor and Henry had eight children of whom the first four would have progeny: Edward, Margaret, Beatrice, and Edmund. However tragedy plagued the early years of the marriage. Their eldest son Edward became very ill. Though he recovered, his siblings Richard, Henry, William, Katherine, and John died at very young ages, leaving their parents grief-stricken. Eleanor was especially upset over the death of her youngest daughter Katharine, who possibly had a degenerative disease that led her to become deaf, and she eventually died at the age of three. The marriage remained happy, but Eleanor became unpopular when her uncles arrived from Savoy to become the king's favourites. At one point Eleanor was sailing on a barge that was attacked by London citizens. When Edmund Rich, archbishop of Canterbury, died in 1240, Eleanor wrote to the pope to have her uncle, Boniface of Savoy, take that position. However Boniface was resented, as was Eleanor's extravagance. In 1252 Henry III went to France because of a revolt in Gascony, and Eleanor becoming regent together with the king's brother Richard. In 1254 Eleanor went with her son Edward to Spain to attend Edward's marriage to Eleanor of Castile, comtesse de Ponthieu; on the way back she and the young couple were invited to visit the French court. During the civil war between Henry III and the barons, Eleanor provided active support to Henry, raising money on her jewellery. After the Battle of Evesham in 1265, in which the barons led by Simon de Montfort were defeated and Montfort killed, she quickly joined her husband and son in England. In 1272 her husband died and Eleanor became regent until her son, now King Edward I, returned to England. In 1275 she lost both her daughters, Marguerite, queen of Scots and Beatrice, duchess of Brittany. In 1280 she retired to the convent of Amesbury, but was still involved in her family's affairs. She remained in Amesbury until her death in 1291. | Provence, Eleanor of England (I8081)
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| 4289 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Rennes-22 BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS.ORG: Conon was born about 927, son of Judicael Berengar, comte de Rennes. He was the count of Rennes from 958 and duke of Brittany from 990 to his death. He became ruler of Brittany after a period of civil and political unrest. About 973 Conon married Ermengarde d'Anjou, daughter of Geoffrey I, comte d'Anjou, and Adelais de Vermandois. Of their five children, Geoffrey and Judith would have progeny. Conon died in battle against his brother-in-law Foulques III 'Nerra', comte d'Anjou, at the second Battle of Conquereuil on 27 June 992, having been defeated at Conquereuil by his father-in-law Geoffrey I, comte d'Anjou, in 982. He is buried in Mont Saint Michel Abbey. | Rennes, Conon de Bretagne (I8064)
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| 4290 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Robertian-15 | Robertian, Adela de Vermandois (I8193)
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| 4291 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Salisbury-262 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Ela of Salisbury suo jure Countess of Salisbury Born 1187 Amesbury, Wiltshire, England Died 24 August 1261 (aged 73-74) Lacock Abbey, Wiltshire Noble family de Salisbury Spouse(s) William Longespée, 3rd Earl of Salisbury among others...Issue William II Longespée Nicholas Longespée, Bishop of Salisbury Father William FitzPatrick, 2nd Earl of Salisbury Mother Eléonore de Vitré Ela of Salisbury, 3rd Countess of Salisbury (1187 - 24 August 1261) was an English peer. She succeeded to the title in her own right in 1196 upon the death of her father, William FitzPatrick, 2nd Earl of Salisbury.[1] Ela married William Longespée, an illegitimate half-brother of kings Richard I and John, who thus became Earl of Salisbury, in 1196. Ela held the post of High Sheriff of Wiltshire for two years after William's death, then became a nun, and eventually Abbess of Lacock Abbey in Wiltshire, which she had founded in 1229. Family Ela was born in Amesbury, Wiltshire in 1187, the only child and heiress of William FitzPatrick, 2nd Earl of Salisbury, Sheriff of Wiltshire and Eléonore de Vitré (c. 1164-1232/1233).[2] In 1196, she succeeded her father as suo jure 3rd Countess of Salisbury. There is a story that immediately following her father's death she was imprisoned in a castle in Normandy by one of her paternal uncles who wished to take her title and enormous wealth for himself. According to the legend, Ela was eventually rescued by William Talbot, a knight who had gone to France where he sang ballads under windows in all the castles of Normandy until he received a response from Ela.[3] In 1198, Ela's mother married her fourth husband, Gilbert de Malesmains. Marriage and issue In 1196, the same year she became countess and inherited her father's numerous estates, Ela married William Longespée, an illegitimate son of King Henry II, by his mistress Ida de Tosny, who later married Roger Bigod, 2nd Earl of Norfolk. Longespée became 3rd Earl of Salisbury by right of his wife. The Continuator of Florence recorded that their marriage had been arranged by King Richard I, who was William's legitimate half-brother.[1] Together William and Ela had at least eight or possibly nine children: William II Longespée, titular Earl of Salisbury (c. 1209 - 7 February 1250), married in 1216 Idoine de Camville, daughter of Richard de Camville and Eustache Basset, by whom he had four children. William was killed while on crusade at the Battle of Mansurah. His son William III Longespée died in 1257, in the lifetime of his grandmother Ela. Ela's heiress was William III's daughter Margaret Longespée who died in 1310. Richard Longespée, clerk and canon of Salisbury. Stephen Longespée, Seneschal of Gascony and Justiciar of Ireland (1216-1260), married as her second husband 1243/1244 Emmeline de Ridelsford, daughter of Walter de Ridelsford and Annora Vitré, by whom he had two daughters: Ela, wife of Sir Roger La Zouche, and Emmeline (1252-1291), the second wife of Maurice FitzGerald, 3rd Lord of Offaly. Nicholas Longespée, Bishop of Salisbury (died 28 May 1297) Isabella Longespée (died before 1244), married as his first wife shortly after 16 May 1226, William de Vescy, Lord of Alnwick, by whom she had issue. Petronilla Longespée, died unmarried Ela Longespée, who first married Thomas de Beaumont, 6th Earl of Warwick, and then married Philip Basset. No issue.[4] Ida Longespée, married firstly Ralph who was son of Ralph de Somery, Baron of Dudley, and Margaret, daughter of John Marshal;[4] she married secondly William de Beauchamp, Baron of Bedford, by whom she had six children, including Maud de Beauchamp, wife of Roger de Mowbray.[5] Ida II de Longespée (she is alternatively listed as William and Ela's granddaughter: see notes below), married Sir Walter FitzRobert, son of Robert Fitzwalter, by whom she had issue including Ela FitzWalter, wife of William de Odyngsells. Ela's and Williams's grandsons include William de Clinton and John de Grey.[4] Mary Longespée, married. No issue.[4] Pernel Longespée. Lacock Abbey, founded in 1229 by Ela, Countess of Salisbury Later life In 1225, Ela's husband William was shipwrecked off the coast of Brittany, upon returning from Gascony. He spent months recovering at a monastery on the Island of Ré in France. He died at Salisbury Castle on 7 March 1226 just days after arriving in England. Ela held the post of Sheriff of Wiltshire for two years following her husband's death. Three years later in 1229, Ela founded Lacock Abbey in Wiltshire as a nunnery of the Augustinian order. In 1238, she entered the abbey as a nun; she was made Abbess of Lacock in 1240, and held the post until 1257. The Book of Lacock recorded that Ela founded the monasteries at Lacock and Henton.[1] During her tenure as abbess, Ela obtained many rights for the abbey and village of Lacock. Ela, Countess of Salisbury died on 24 August 1261 and was buried in Lacock Abbey. The inscription on her tombstone, written in Latin, reads: Below lie buried the bones of the venerable Ela, who gave this sacred house as a home for the nuns. She also had lived here as holy abbess and Countess of Salisbury, full of good works[6] Ela has been described as having been "one of the two towering female figures of the mid-13th century", the other one being Margaret de Quincy, Countess of Lincoln.[7] | Salisbury, Countess of Salisbury, Ela (of Salisbury) (I7963)
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| 4292 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Schwaben-39 BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS.ORG Hildegardis was born between 2 May 757 and 30 April 761, the daughter of Gerold I, Graf in Kraichgau und Vintzgau, and his wife Imma/Emma, the daughter of Nebi, duke of The Allemans, count in the Linzgau. On 30 April 771 Hildegardis became the second wife of the future Emperor Charlemagne, son of Pippin 'the Short', king of the Franks, and his wife Bertrada. They had nine children, of whom Pippin I, Louis I, Rotrud and Bertha would have progeny. Hildegardis died on 30 April 783. | von Vinzagu, Hildegarde Schwaaben (I8198)
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| 4293 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Toeni-31 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Ida de Tosny Noble family de Tosny Spouse(s) Roger Bigod, 2nd Earl of Norfolk Father (likely) Ralph IV de Tosny Mother (likely) Margaret de Beaumont Ida de Tosny, Countess of Norfolk (died after 1181), was very likely a daughter of Ralph V de Tosny (died 1162) and his wife Margaret (born circa 1125 and living in 1185), a daughter of Robert de Beaumont, 2nd Earl of Leicester.[1] Relationship to King Henry II Ida de Tosny was a royal ward and mistress of Henry II, King of England, by whom she was mother of one of his illegitimate sons, William Longespée, 3rd Earl of Salisbury,[2] (c. 1176 - 7 March 1226), as proven by the discovery of a charter of William mentioning "Comitissa Ida, mater mea" (Countess Ida, my mother).[3] Ida was not the first English royal ward to be taken as a royal mistress. Isabel de Beaumont (Elizabeth de Beaumont), was the ward of King Henry I and the mistress of one of his sons.[4] Marriage Around Christmas 1181, Ida de Tosny was given in marriage to Roger Bigod, 2nd Earl of Norfolk by Henry II, together with the manors of Acle, Halvergate and South Walsham, which had been confiscated from his inheritance after his father's death (Hugh Bigod, 1st Earl of Norfolk).[5] Ida and Roger had a number of children including: Hugh Bigod, 3rd Earl of Norfolk who married in 1206 or 1207, Maud Marshal, a daughter of William Marshal William Bigod Roger Bigod John Bigod Ralph Bigod Mary Bigod, married Ralph fitz Robert Margery Bigod, married William de Hastings Ida Bigod Many historians, including Marc Morris have speculated that the couple had a third daughter, Alice, who married Aubrey de Vere IV, 2nd Earl of Oxford as his second wife. However this is highly unlikely as the marriage would have been well within the bounds of consanguinity, for the couple would have been quite closely related, a daughter of the second earl of Norfolk being first cousin once removed to the second earl of Oxford. | Toeni, Ida de Tosny le Bigod (I7988)
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| 4294 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Unknown-190669 | Unknown, Alpais of Herstal (I9827)
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| 4295 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Unknown-298879 | Unknown, Lietgardis Vermandois (I8194)
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| 4296 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Unknown-422307 | Unknown, Chrothais (I9828)
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| 4297 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Unknown-438140 | Unknown, Chrodtrudis Pippinid (I8182)
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| 4298 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Unknown-457851 | Unknown, Cunegonde (I8197)
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| 4299 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Van_Arnhem-9 Biography Dirk Jansz van Arnhem was an army officer under General Count von Nassau. [1] He was married to Magdalena Jans, widow of Hendrik Roeloffssen, on 22 April 1638 in Arnhem, Gelderland, Netherlands. [1] Children of Dirk Jansz van Arnhem and Magdalena Jans, with baptisms recorded in the Reformed Church in Arnhem, were:[1] Dirricxken, baptized 3 February 1639. Jan, baptized 13 October 1640.[2] Joris, baptized 25 January 1643. Hendrik, baptized 14 July 1647. Marricken, baptized 7 November 1649. Sources ↑ 1.0 1.1 1.2 Van Arnhem Family in North America, page 3 ↑ "Netherlands, Gelderland Province, Church Records, 1405-1966," images, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/pal:/MM9.3.1/TH-1951-32994-16592-18?cc=2038506 : accessed 23 April 2016), Nederlands Hervormde > Arnhem > Dopen 1608-1625, 1627-1652 > image 445 of 712; Gelders Archives, Arnhem. left page, third entry: 1640. 14 Oct. Jan, of Dirck Jans, Maddelena Jans; Nederlands Hervormde kerk, Arnhem, Gelderland. VanArnhem-VanOrman Family Organization. Van Arnhem Family in North America, VanArnhem-VanOrman Family Organization, 144 North 400 East, Provo, Utah 84601. 1986. Downloadable electronic version from Family History Library, Salt Lake City, Utah. | Van Arnhem, Dirk Hansz (I9649)
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| 4300 | https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Vermandois-1 BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS.ORG: Robert was born between 910 and 915, the son of Heribert II, comte de Meaux, Soissons et Vermandois, and Adela of Neustria. Mentioned in documents from 940, Robert obtained the county of Meaux in the partition of his father's lands in 946, three years after his death. By his marriage about 950 to Adelheid de Bourgogne, heiress of Troyes, daughter of Giselbert, duc de Bourgogne, comte de Châlons sur Saône, and Ermengard de Autun, he received the county of Troyes. The union of these two counties was the origin of the county of Champagne. In 959 Robert captured the city of Dijon and drove out the bishop, but he was attacked in 960 by Lothar I, king of France, and Emperor Otto I 'the Great', and had to submit. Robert and Adelheid had a son Heribert and daughter Adelais. Only Adelais would have progeny, marrying Geoffrey I, comte d'Anjou. Robert died on 19 August 967, and was succeeded by Heribert. | Vermandois, Robert Comte de Meaux (I8077)
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