Robert I Duke of Normandy Normandie

Other Events:

• Name: Robert The Devil
• Reference Number: 8059

Notes:

https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Normandie-43

BIOGRAPHY FROM GENEALOGICS.ORG:
Robert was the second son of Richard II 'the Good', duke of Normandy and Judith de Bretagne, daughter of Conon I 'le Tort', duc de Bretagne and Ermengarde d'Anjou.

When his father died in 1027, Robert's elder brother Richard succeeded, while he became count of Hiémois. When Richard died a year later, there were great suspicions that Robert had Richard murdered, the origin of his epithet, Robert 'le diable' (Robert 'the Devil'). Robert aided Henri I of France against Henri's rebellious brother and mother, and for his help he was given the territory of the Vexin. He also intervened in the affairs of Flanders, supported England's Edward 'the Confessor', who was then in exile at Robert's court, and sponsored monastic reform in Normandy.

By his mistress Harlette/Herleve, daughter of Fulbert de Falaise, Robert was father of two children, the future William 'the Conqueror' and Adela of Normandy, both of whom would have progeny.

After making his illegitimate son William his heir, Robert set out on pilgrimage to Jerusalem. According to the _Gesta Normannorum Ducum_ he travelled by way of Constantinople, reached Jerusalem and died on the return journey at Nicaea in Turkey on 22 July 1035. His son William, aged about eight, succeeded him.

According to the chronicler William of Malmesbury (1080-1143), around 1086 William sent a mission to Constantinople and Nicaea, charging it with bringing his father's body back to be buried in Normandy. Permission was granted, but having travelled as far as Apulia (Italy) on the return journey, the envoys learned that William had died. They then decided to re-inter Robert's body in Italy.

Family/Spouse: Herleva de Mortain Falaise. Herleva was born about 1003 in Falaise, Normandie, France; died about 1055 in Mortain, Normandie, France. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events:

• Reference Number: 8053

Notes:

https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Normandie-32

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William I
King of England, Duke of Normandy
BL MS Royal 14 C VII f.8v (William I).jpg
King of England
Reign 25 December 1066 - 9 September 1087
Coronation 25 December 1066
Predecessor Harold II (Godwinson)
Successor William II
Born c. 1027
Normandy
Died 9 September 1087 (aged c. 60)
Rouen, Normandy
Consort Matilda of Flanders (1031 - 1083)
House House of Normandy
Father Robert I, Duke of Normandy
Mother Herleva
William I of England (c. 1027-1087), also known as William the Conqueror, or William the Bastard, was the first Norman King of England (1066-1087). He was also the Duke of Normandy from 1035 until his death. At the Battle of Hastings William defeated Harold Godwinson, the last Anglo-Saxon king of England. He changed the course of both Norman and English history. He and Harold Godwinson battled to see who would keep ad or receive the English throne. William beat Harold at the battle of Hastings in 1066.

Early life and minority
William was the son of Robert I, Duke of Normandy by his concubine Herleva.[1] He was born in Falaise, Normandy in 1027 or 1028.[2] William became the Duke of Normandy when his father died in 1035.[2] In 1034 or 1035 Duke Robert wanted to go on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. He made his noblemen swear to make his young son William their duke if he was killed.[3]

But William's minority rule of Normandy did not start well. Some Normans did not want a boy as their duke.[a] Robert II Archbishop of Rouen was a powerful man in Normandy. He protected William.[5] King Henry I of France also approved of William.[6] In 1037, Archbishop Robert died. Without his support Norman nobles began fighting among themselves. Some wanted William out of the way and tried to kill him.[7] One of William's servants was killed in the very room where William slept. Two more of William's protectors died during this time. Normandy was in complete disorder.[8]

In 1042 William held a church council in Normandy.[9] At that council the church made a new law called the Truce of God.[9] It was to help stop all the private wars. There could be no fighting on feast days or fast days.[9] No fighting was allowed from Thursday night until Monday morning.[9] The punishment for breaking the truce was excommunication.[10] William probably reached the age of majority in about 1044.[11] He no longer needed tutors. He could now rule on his own.[11]

Duke of Normandy
Val-es-Dunes
The private wars continued into 1046. William's rule depended on the loyalty of his viscounts.[12] By the fall of 1046 many of the families in lower Normandy began plotting to replace William as duke.[12] Guy of Burgundy, William's cousin, was sent to William's court in hopes he would do well there.[13] William gave Guy castles at Brionne and Vernon. But Guy wasn't happy with this and decided he should rule Normandy himself.[13] He became the leader of what was by now an open revolt.[13] Two of William's viscounts joined Guy. William realized this was a serious threat and he asked King Henry for help.[13] The French king came right away and brought a large army. The combined armies of Duke William and King Henry met the rebels at Val-es-Dunes. The rebels were defeated and Guy fled to his castle at Brionne. William kept the castle cut off from food or supplies until Guy gave up in 1049.[13] The duke forgave his cousin, but Guy soon returned to Burgundy. William's victory at Val-es-Dunes gave him some control of Normandy.[14]

A church council met in October 1047 near the battlefield to consider a new Truce of God.[15] No private wars would be allowed from Wednesday evening through Monday morning. Also no such fighting was allowed during Advent, Lent, Easter and Pentecost.[15] This followed other such truces in place elsewhere in France.[15] But the king and duke were both excluded from this truce. They were allowed to wage war during these times to keep the peace.[16] William's peace in Normandy was now supported by the church.[17]

Rise to power

Statue of William the Conqueror at Falaise made by Louis Rochet in 1851.
The battle of Val-es-Dunes was the start of William's rise to power. As the king had stepped in it was more his victory than William's.[16] But William's nobles now began to see him as a leader. He could now think about taking a wife.[17] Shortly before 1049 William decided to marry Matilda of Flanders.[18] She was the daughter of Baldwin V of Flanders and Adela of France, who was the daughter of King Robert II of France.[18] Before it could take place Pope Leo IX refused to allow the marriage. He did not give a reason but the two were cousins.[18] Some time between 1050 and 1052 the two married anyway.[b][18] But it wasn't until 1059 that another pope, Nicholas II, lifted the ban on their marriage.[18]

While William was building his power in Normandy things were changing around him. King Henry had supported him and William had helped the king against the count of Anjou.[20] About 1052 Count Geoffrey of Anjou and the king suddenly made peace. Just as suddenly the king turned on William.[20] At the same time two of William's uncles, Archbishop Mauger and Count William of Arques rebelled against their nephew. William fought his uncle at the castle at Arques.[20] King Henry now led a large force (army) into Normandy to help Count William of Arques. But Duke William met him in battle and won.[20] Without the king's army to help, the castle had to give up.[21] Duke William sent his two uncles away from Normandy.[21]

In 1054 the king again entered Normandy with a large hostile force. He split his army in two and led the southern forces himself.[22] His brother Odo led the second force east of the Seine river.[22] This time William had all of Normandy supporting him. He had everything that could be used as food removed ahead of the French armies.[22] This would cause them difficulty in keeping their soldiers fed. William also split his soldiers into two armies. William's forces watched the king's armies looking for any chance to attack.[22] When Odo's forces reached the town of Mortimer they found plenty of food and drink. This caused his forces to relax and enjoy themselves.[22] The commanders of William's second army caught them by surprise and killed most of Odo's soldiers.[23] Those who did survive were taken prisoner and held for ransom. When the king got the news that his brother's army had been destroyed his army was struck with panic. The king and his men left Normandy as fast as they could.[24] King Henry I agreed to a peace that lasted three years. But in 1058 the king broke the peace and invaded Normandy again. Just as before William kept the king's army close but waited for the best time to strike. This came as the French army was crossing the Dives river at Varaville.[25] The king had already crossed the river and watched as his army was destroyed as they entered the water. He took what remained of his army and left Normandy for good. The king died a short time later. The new king, his young son Phillip, was under the care of William's father-in-law, Baldwin V.[26] France was no longer hostile to Normandy and this allowed William the freedom to expand.[26]

Normandy and England
In 1002 Ethelred King of England married Emma, sister of Duke Richard II of Normandy.[27] The alliance formed by this marriage had far reaching effects.[27] When Canute came to the throne of England in 1016, he took Emma of Normandy as his wife. Her two sons by her former marriage fled to Normandy for their own safety. Edward, the older son, stayed in Normandy for many years at the court of the dukes. The last duke who protected him there was his cousin William. Edward became King of England in 1042. in 1052 Edward made William his heir.[28] In 1065 Harold Godwinson was in Normandy. While he was there he promised Duke William he would support him as successor to the English throne.[29] On 5 January 1066 Edward the king died. But Harold did not respect his oaths.[30] The next day, the day of the funeral, Harold Godwinson was crowned King of England.[29] The story was that on his deathbed, the king had changed his mind, and promised Harold the throne. Harold was not royalty himself and had no legal claim on the throne.[30] For weeks William must have known Edward was dying.[31] But the news of the king's death and Harold's taking the throne must have been a surprise to others.[31]

Norman invasion of England
Prelude
William began his plans for invasion almost as soon as he received news of the events in England.[32] He called a meeting of his greatest men.[33] William made plans to gather a large army from all over France.[34] His influence and wealth meant he could mount a large campaign.[34] His first task was to build a fleet of ships to carry his army across the English Channel.[34] Then he started gathering an army. His friendship with Brittany, France, and Flanders meant he did not have to rely only on his own army.[34] He hired and paid soldiers from many parts of Europe. William asked for and got the support of the pope who gave him a banner to carry into battle.[35] At the same time Duke William was planning his invasion, so too was Harold Hardrada. The king of England knew both would be coming but he kept his ships and forces in the south of England where William might land.[36]

William may have had as many as 1,000 ships in his invasion fleet.[37] They had favorable winds to leave Normandy on the night of 27 September 1066.[38] William's ship, the Mora, was a gift of his wife, Matilda.[37] It led the fleet to the landing at Pevensey the next morning.[38] As soon as he landed William got news of King Harold's victory over the Norwegian king at Stamford Bridge in the north of England.[39] Harold also received news that William had landed at Pevensey and came south as quickly as he could. The king rested at London for a few days before taking his army to meet William and his French forces.[39]

Battle of Hastings

Battle of Hastings, battleplan.
King Harold's army took up a position on an east-west ridge north of Hastings.[40] The ridge itself was called Senlay Hill.[41] They found the Norman army marching up the valley in front of them. While Harold had more soldiers, they were tired from the forced march from London.[40] William formed his lines at the base of the hill facing the shield wall[c] of the English. He sent his archers halfway up the slope to attack the English.[40] He sent his mounted knights to the left and right to find any weak spots.[40] At first William's knights tried to break through the shield wall with the weight of their horses.[42] But they were attacking uphill and could not gain any speed. Harold's front line simply stood fast and was able to fend off any attacks.[42] William's army began to fall back with rumors of Duke William's death. William removed his helmet so his men could see he was still alive.[42] When William saw that many of Harold's men were following his knights back down the hill he used a trick he had learned years before. He turned suddenly and charged the oncoming English foot soldiers who had no chance against mounted knights.[42]

This tactic worked at least two more times during the battle and made Harold's shield wall weaker.[43] Now William used something new. Where his attacks by knights and soldiers had been separate movements he now used them together.[43] Where his archers had not succeeded against the shield wall he had them shoot high into the air so the arrows came down on top of the English.[43] This may be where king Harold was killed by an arrow through his eye.[43] The shield wall finally broke and the Normans were on top of them. By nightfall the English were either dead on the field or being hunted down by William's troops.[43] William called his troops back and they all spent the night camped on the battlefield.[43]

Aftermath
The battle was won but the English still had smaller armies which had not joined King Harold at Hastings.[44] They had lost their king but were still trying to reorganize. William rested his army for five days before moving towards London.[44] His line of march took him through several towns he either captured or destroyed.[44] When William reached London the English resisted for a short time but in the end surrendered.[44] On Christmas day in 1066 William was crowned King of England.[45] His victory at Hastings gave Duke William the nickname he has been known by ever since: 'William the Conqueror'.[46]

King of England
Early reign
William chose to be crowned at Christmas.[47] This was partly because he thought the English would be less likely to riot at this high feast day. It was also a good choice because he believed it was God's will he be king.[d][47] Now the king, William spent a few months in England.[49] He then returned to Normandy leaving England in the hands of two capable men.[50] These were his half-brother Odo, the Bishop of Bayeux and William FitzOsbern. Odo was made the Earl of Kent while FitzOsbern became the earl of Hereford.[50] The remaining three English earls were left in place.[50] When William sailed back to Normandy with him were many of his followers. Many of his soldiers who had been paid and others he wished to keep track of.[50] In particular these were the English Archbishop Stigand and Edgar Atheling. He also brought his remaining three English earls, Edwin, Morcar and Waltheof.[50] This was so none of them could start a revolt while he was away.[50] William had his duties at home to take care of. Also many of his soldiers needed to come back to keep the duchy safe.[50]

When William returned to London in December of 1067 he began to find out what problems had come up while he was gone.[51] Hertfordshire had been raided by Mercians. Then Exeter had not accepted the rule of the new king.[51] William raised money from all those parts of England that would pay. He also called out English levies.[51] Exeter surrendered after one of its hostages was blinded. After he subdued Devon and Cornwall all seemed quiet.[51] At Winchester William sent for his wife Matilda who was crowned Queen of England there at Pentecost.[51]

By summer more rebellions had broken out.[52] At the same time others were fleeing England. Edgar Atheling along with his mother and sisters left for Scotland where they were welcomed.[52] In the North strong anti-Norman groups were gathering around York. Earl Edwin and his brother Morcar left William's court to join the rebels in the north.[52] William then built a castle at Warwick. This caused the Earls and others to give in to William. Other castles followed. William then entered York where others came to him and submitted.[52] He then negotiated with the king of Scots to prevent any invasions of England from the north.[52] But his campaign in the North was not as effective as he thought. In 1069 a second uprising developed into a war.[52] The men William left in charge had been killed. A small Norman force was holding out in York when William came to their aid.[53] After building another castle William left Earl William FitzOsbern in charge.[53] For the next five months the north was quiet. But the northern English leaders had sent word to King Swein in Denmark offering him the crown if he could defeat the Normans. Swein sent a Danish fleet to England.[53]

In the summer of 1069 the Danish fleet appeared off the coast of Kent. It moved up the coast towards the north, raiding as it went.[54] William and his army were in the south guarding against any incursions.[54] Finally the fleet joined the English rebels on the banks of the River Humber. The remaining English earls all deserted William and joined the combined English-Danish forces. They moved against the Norman garrison at York and killed all but a few women and children.[54] William Malet, a Norman who had lived in England before 1066 was also spared.[54]

Harrying of the north
William's northern army was wiped out and York in was in ruins. At the same time smaller rebellions were breaking out in Wales and southwest England.[55] William knew he was in trouble. He began by calling in all his commanders and troops to combine his forces. The king knew that with a smaller army he had to deal with one group of rebels at a time.[55] He sent William FitzOsbern and Brian of Brittany to deal with Exeter. William himself fought an army moving in from the east. In both cases the Norman armies were victorious.[55] He now moved on the northern armies that had destroyed York. But he was unable to get any farther north than Pontefract.[55] After trying for several weeks William bribed the Danish Fleet to withdraw from York for the winter. They agreed and returned to the mouth of the Humber to winter there.[55] William was now able to move up to York. He rebuilt the castles there. He then had his forces spread out and destroy everything useful for the English and Danish army to feed itself.[55] The result was widespread famine and the people of the area either left or starved to death.[55] This was William's infamous harrying of the North.[e] The result of all this was the surrender of his English Earls and most of the rebels in England. The few remaining groups were quickly crushed by William's army.[57] But one group proved more stubborn. This was at Chester and after a forced march during Winter, William surprised them before they were ready.[58] After their surrender he built two more castles there then returned to Winchester.[58]

Ruling England and Normandy
William never again had to lay waste to a county as he did at Yorkshire. He had dealt with the main threats to his rule but some had only been solved in part.[59] The Danish fleet came back in 1070 this time led by King Swen. They joined a small group of rebels on the Isle of Ely led by Hereward the Wake.[59] Again William bribed the Danes to leave and then dealt with the rebels. Hereward was never heard from again.[60]

William now had to rule both England and Normandy.[61] He found he had to be present to keep things under control. When he was in Normandy trouble often broke out in England.[61] When in England, though, Normandy was being ruled by his wife Matilda.[61] But Fulk Rechin, the new count of Anjou, had taken Maine from William's control. William had to take it back in 1073.[62]

In 1082 William arrested his half-brother Odo, Bishop of Bayeux and Earl of Kent.[63] The reasons are uncertain but Odo was trying to raise an army to march on Rome. His plan was to become the next pope.[63] William put him on trial on the Isle of Wight. In addition to other crimes was that of trying to raise an army among William's soldiers. As William pointed out, they were needed for the defense of England.[63] Odo protested that not even a king could judge him. As a bishop only the pope could.[63] William replied that he wasn't seizing a bishop, he was seizing his earl who he left in charge during his absence. Odo was imprisoned in Normandy for the rest of his life.[63]

In 1083 Queen Matilda died and was buried in Caen.[64] The two had been very close and only disagreed over their son Robert Curthose.[64] Robert had repeatedly rebelled against his father yet kept in contact with his mother.[64] This caused a rift between them. Philip I of France had found it difficult for his vassal to become a king like himself and so resented William.[64] Not strong enough to fight William himself, when Robert Curthose rebelled against his father, King Philip helped him.[64]

In the summer of 1085 William learned that King Canute IV of Denmark was getting a fleet ready to sail against England.[65] William came back to England in the fall with a large number of soldiers. He had to pay them and feed them at great cost.[65] It may have been at this time he realized he had no records of what was owed him as king. He didn't know if he was collecting all the taxes that were due.[65]

Domesday Book

Writing the Domesday Book.
At his Christmas court at Gloucester in 1085 William asked that a great survey be taken in every part of England.[66] The king wanted to know how many people lived in his realm.[67] He wanted to know the size of every property, what each was worth, and how much income it brought in.[67] No such survey had ever been made in England before. It was unique in what it covered, its details and its contribution to English history.[66] The Domesday Book was the first public record in England.[66]

The text of the book fit into two volumes.[66] The first covered thirty-one counties. It was called 'Great Domesday' because of its size. The second covered the counties of Essex, Norfolk, and Suffolk and was called 'Little Domesday'.[66] The facts were recorded by several panels made up of bishops and earls. Each panel collected information on several counties.[66] William was presented with a large collection of written records on 1 August 1086.[68] This was the Domesday Book, but it wouldn't bound into books for almost another century.[68]

Last years
William died when he was in Rouen, France from injuries he had received from falling off a horse he owned.

Family
William and his wife Matilda of Flanders had at least nine children.[69]

Robert (c.  1050-1134), Duke of Normandy succeeded his father.[70]
Richard (c. 1052-c. 1075.[70]
William (c. 1055-1100). Succeeded his father as King of England.
Henry (1068-1135). Succeeded his brother William as King of England.[70]
Agatha; promised in marriage to Alfonso VI of León and Castile but died before the wedding.[70]
Adeliza.[70]
Cecily (c. 1066-1127), Abbess of Holy Trinity, Caen.[70]
Adela († 1137), married Stephen I, Count of Blois.[70]
Constance († 1090), married Alan IV Fergent, Duke of Brittany.[70]
Matilda.[70]

Family/Spouse: Matilda of England Flandre. Matilda was born in 1031 in Flanders, Nord, Nord-Pas-de-Calais, France; died on 2 Nov 1083 in Caen, Calvados, Basse-Normandie, France. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events:

• Reference Number: 7999

Notes:

https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Normandie-45

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

King of England
Reign 5 August 1100 - 1 December 1135
Coronation 5 August 1100
Predecessor William II
Successor Stephen
Duke of Normandy
Tenure 1106 - 1 December 1135
Predecessor Robert Curthose
Successor Stephen
Born c. 1068
Possibly Selby, Yorkshire
Died 1 December 1135 (aged 66-67)
Saint-Denis-en-Lyons, Normandy
Burial Reading Abbey

Spouse
Matilda of Scotland
(m. 1100; died 1118)
Adeliza of Louvain
(m. 1121)
Issue
Matilda, Holy Roman Empress
William Adelin
Robert, 1st Earl of Gloucester
Alice FitzRoy
Gilbert FitzRoy
Matilda FitzRoy, Countess of Perche
Fulk FitzRoy
Sybilla, Queen of Scots
Reginald de Dunstanville, 1st Earl of Cornwall
Robert FitzEdith
Henry FitzRoy
Matilda FitzRoy, Abbess of Montvilliers
House Normandy
Father William I of England
Mother Matilda of Flanders
Religion Roman Catholicism
Henry I (c. 1068 - 1 December 1135), also known as Henry Beauclerc, was King of England from 1100 to his death in 1135. He was the fourth son of William the Conqueror and was educated in Latin and the liberal arts. On William's death in 1087, Henry's elder brothers Robert Curthose and William Rufus inherited Normandy and England, respectively, but Henry was left landless. He purchased the County of Cotentin in western Normandy from Robert, but his brothers deposed him in 1091. He gradually rebuilt his power base in the Cotentin and allied himself with William against Robert.

Present at the place where William died in a hunting accident in 1100, Henry seized the English throne, promising at his coronation to correct many of William's less popular policies. He married Matilda of Scotland and they had two surviving children, William Adelin and Empress Matilda; he also had many illegitimate children by his many mistresses. Robert, who invaded in 1101, disputed Henry's control of England; this military campaign ended in a negotiated settlement that confirmed Henry as king. The peace was short-lived, and Henry invaded the Duchy of Normandy in 1105 and 1106, finally defeating Robert at the Battle of Tinchebray. Henry kept Robert imprisoned for the rest of his life. Henry's control of Normandy was challenged by Louis VI of France, Baldwin VII of Flanders and Fulk V of Anjou, who promoted the rival claims of Robert's son, William Clito, and supported a major rebellion in the Duchy between 1116 and 1119. Following Henry's victory at the Battle of Brémule, a favourable peace settlement was agreed with Louis in 1120.

Considered by contemporaries to be a harsh but effective ruler, Henry skilfully manipulated the barons in England and Normandy. In England, he drew on the existing Anglo-Saxon system of justice, local government and taxation, but also strengthened it with additional institutions, including the royal exchequer and itinerant justices. Normandy was also governed through a growing system of justices and an exchequer. Many of the officials who ran Henry's system were "new men" of obscure backgrounds rather than from families of high status, who rose through the ranks as administrators. Henry encouraged ecclesiastical reform, but became embroiled in a serious dispute in 1101 with Archbishop Anselm of Canterbury, which was resolved through a compromise solution in 1105. He supported the Cluniac order and played a major role in the selection of the senior clergy in England and Normandy.

Henry's son William drowned in the White Ship disaster of 1120, throwing the royal succession into doubt. Henry took a second wife, Adeliza of Louvain, in the hope of having another son, but their marriage was childless. In response to this, he declared his daughter Matilda his heir and married her to Geoffrey of Anjou. The relationship between Henry and the couple became strained, and fighting broke out along the border with Anjou. Henry died on 1 December 1135 after a week of illness. Despite his plans for Matilda, the King was succeeded by his nephew, Stephen of Blois, resulting in a period of civil war known as the Anarchy.

Early life, 1068-1099
Childhood and appearance, 1068-86
Henry was probably born in England in 1068, in either the summer or the last weeks of the year, possibly in the town of Selby in Yorkshire.[1][nb 1] His father was William the Conqueror, the Duke of Normandy who had invaded England in 1066 to become the King of England, establishing lands stretching into Wales. The invasion had created an Anglo-Norman ruling class, many with estates on both sides of the English Channel.[2] These Anglo-Norman barons typically had close links to the kingdom of France, which was then a loose collection of counties and smaller polities, under only the minimal control of the king.[3] Henry's mother, Matilda of Flanders, was the granddaughter of Robert II of France, and she probably named Henry after her uncle, King Henry I of France.[4]

Henry was the youngest of William and Matilda's four sons. Physically he resembled his older brothers Robert Curthose, Richard and William Rufus, being, as historian David Carpenter describes, "short, stocky and barrel-chested," with black hair.[5] As a result of their age differences and Richard's early death, Henry would have probably seen relatively little of his older brothers.[6] He probably knew his sister Adela well, as the two were close in age.[7] There is little documentary evidence for his early years; historians Warren Hollister and Kathleen Thompson suggest he was brought up predominantly in England, while Judith Green argues he was initially brought up in the Duchy.[8][nb 2] He was probably educated by the Church, possibly by Bishop Osmund, the King's chancellor, at Salisbury Cathedral; it is uncertain if this indicated an intent by his parents for Henry to become a member of the clergy.[10][nb 3] It is also uncertain how far Henry's education extended, but he was probably able to read Latin and had some background in the liberal arts.[11] He was given military training by an instructor called Robert Achard, and Henry was knighted by his father on 24 May 1086.[12]

Inheritance, 1087-88
13th century picture
13th-century depiction of Henry
In 1087, William was fatally injured during a campaign in the Vexin.[13] Henry joined his dying father near Rouen in September, where the King partitioned his possessions among his sons.[14] The rules of succession in western Europe at the time were uncertain; in some parts of France, primogeniture, in which the eldest son would inherit a title, was growing in popularity.[15] In other parts of Europe, including Normandy and England, the tradition was for lands to be divided up, with the eldest son taking patrimonial lands - usually considered to be the most valuable - and younger sons given smaller, or more recently acquired, partitions or estates.[15]

In dividing his lands, William appears to have followed the Norman tradition, distinguishing between Normandy, which he had inherited, and England, which he had acquired through war.[16] William's second son, Richard, had died in a hunting accident, leaving Henry and his two brothers to inherit William's estate. Robert, the eldest, despite being in armed rebellion against his father at the time of his death, received Normandy.[17] England was given to William Rufus, who was in favour with the dying king.[17] Henry was given a large sum of money, usually reported as £5,000, with the expectation that he would also be given his mother's modest set of lands in Buckinghamshire and Gloucestershire.[18][nb 4] William's funeral at Caen was marred by angry complaints from a local man, and Henry may have been responsible for resolving the dispute by buying off the protester with silver.[20]

Robert returned to Normandy, expecting to have been given both the Duchy and England, to find that William Rufus had crossed the Channel and been crowned king.[21] The two brothers disagreed fundamentally over the inheritance, and Robert soon began to plan an invasion of England to seize the kingdom, helped by a rebellion by some of the leading nobles against William Rufus.[22] Henry remained in Normandy and took up a role within Robert's court, possibly either because he was unwilling to side openly with William Rufus, or because Robert might have taken the opportunity to confiscate Henry's inherited money if he had tried to leave.[21][nb 5] William Rufus sequestered Henry's new estates in England, leaving Henry landless.[24]

In 1088, Robert's plans for the invasion of England began to falter, and he turned to Henry, proposing that his brother lend him some of his inheritance, which Henry refused.[25] Henry and Robert then came to an alternative arrangement, in which Robert would make Henry the count of western Normandy, in exchange for £3,000.[25][nb 6] Henry's lands were a new countship based around a delegation of the ducal authority in the Cotentin, but it extended across the Avranchin, with control over the bishoprics of both.[27] This also gave Henry influence over two major Norman leaders, Hugh d'Avranches and Richard de Redvers, and the abbey of Mont Saint-Michel, whose lands spread out further across the Duchy.[28] Robert's invasion force failed to leave Normandy, leaving William Rufus secure in England.[29]

Count of the Cotentin, 1088-90
Henry quickly established himself as count, building up a network of followers from western Normandy and eastern Brittany, whom historian John Le Patourel has characterised as "Henry's gang".[30] His early supporters included Roger of Mandeville, Richard of Redvers, Richard d'Avranches and Robert Fitzhamon, along with the churchman Roger of Salisbury.[31] Robert attempted to go back on his deal with Henry and re-appropriate the county, but Henry's grip was already sufficiently firm to prevent this.[32] Robert's rule of the Duchy was chaotic, and parts of Henry's lands became almost independent of central control from Rouen.[33]

During this period, neither William nor Robert seems to have trusted Henry.[34] Waiting until the rebellion against William Rufus was safely over, Henry returned to England in July 1088.[35] He met with the King but was unable to persuade him to grant him their mother's estates, and travelled back to Normandy in the autumn.[36] While he had been away, however, Odo, the Bishop of Bayeux, who regarded Henry as a potential competitor, had convinced Robert that Henry was conspiring against the duke with William Rufus.[37] On landing, Odo seized Henry and imprisoned him in Neuilly-la-Forêt, and Robert took back the county of the Cotentin.[38] Henry was held there over the winter, but in the spring of 1089 the senior elements of the Normandy nobility prevailed upon Robert to release him.[39]

Although no longer formally the Count of Cotentin, Henry continued to control the west of Normandy.[40] The struggle between Henry's brothers continued. William Rufus continued to put down resistance to his rule in England, but began to build a number of alliances against Robert with barons in Normandy and neighbouring Ponthieu.[41] Robert allied himself with Philip I of France.[42] In late 1090 William Rufus encouraged Conan Pilatus, a powerful burgher in Rouen, to rebel against Robert; Conan was supported by most of Rouen and made appeals to the neighbouring ducal garrisons to switch allegiance as well.[43]

Robert issued an appeal for help to his barons, and Henry was the first to arrive in Rouen in November.[44] Violence broke out, leading to savage, confused street fighting as both sides attempted to take control of the city.[44] Robert and Henry left the castle to join the battle, but Robert then retreated, leaving Henry to continue the fighting.[45] The battle turned in favour of the ducal forces and Henry took Conan prisoner.[45] Henry was angry that Conan had turned against his feudal lord. He had him taken to the top of Rouen Castle and then, despite Conan's offers to pay a huge ransom, threw him off the top of the castle to his death.[46] Contemporaries considered Henry to have acted appropriately in making an example of Conan, and Henry became famous for his exploits in the battle.[47]

Fall and rise, 1091-99
Mont Saint-Michel, site of the 1091 siege
In the aftermath, Robert forced Henry to leave Rouen, probably because Henry's role in the fighting had been more prominent than his own, and possibly because Henry had asked to be formally reinstated as the count of the Cotentin.[48] In early 1091, William Rufus invaded Normandy with a sufficiently large army to bring Robert to the negotiating table.[49] The two brothers signed a treaty at Rouen, granting William Rufus a range of lands and castles in Normandy. In return, William Rufus promised to support Robert's attempts to regain control of the neighbouring county of Maine, once under Norman control, and help in regaining control over the Duchy, including Henry's lands.[49] They nominated each other as heirs to England and Normandy, excluding Henry from any succession while either one of them lived.[50]

War now broke out between Henry and his brothers.[51] Henry mobilised a mercenary army in the west of Normandy, but as William Rufus and Robert's forces advanced, his network of baronial support melted away.[52] Henry focused his remaining forces at Mont Saint-Michel, where he was besieged, probably in March 1091.[53] The site was easy to defend, but lacked fresh water.[54] The chronicler William of Malmesbury suggested that when Henry's water ran short, Robert allowed his brother fresh supplies, leading to remonstrations between Robert and William Rufus.[55] The events of the final days of the siege are unclear: the besiegers had begun to argue about the future strategy for the campaign, but Henry then abandoned Mont Saint-Michel, probably as part of a negotiated surrender.[56][nb 7] He left for Brittany and crossed over into France.[57]

Henry's next steps are not well documented; one chronicler, Orderic Vitalis, suggests that he travelled in the French Vexin, along the Normandy border, for over a year with a small band of followers.[58] By the end of the year, Robert and William Rufus had fallen out once again, and the Treaty of Rouen had been abandoned.[59] In 1092, Henry and his followers seized the Normandy town of Domfront.[60] Domfront had previously been controlled by Robert of Bellême, but the inhabitants disliked his rule and invited Henry to take over the town, which he did in a bloodless coup.[61] Over the next two years, Henry re-established his network of supporters across western Normandy, forming what Judith Green terms a "court in waiting".[62] By 1094, he was allocating lands and castles to his followers as if he were the Duke of Normandy.[63] William Rufus began to support Henry with money, encouraging his campaign against Robert, and Henry used some of this to construct a substantial castle at Domfront.[64]

William Rufus crossed into Normandy to take the war to Robert in 1094, and when progress stalled, called upon Henry for assistance.[65] Henry responded, but travelled to London instead of joining the main campaign further east in Normandy, possibly at the request of the King, who in any event abandoned the campaign and returned to England.[66][nb 8] Over the next few years, Henry appears to have strengthened his power base in western Normandy, visiting England occasionally to attend at William Rufus's court.[68] In 1095 Pope Urban II called the First Crusade, encouraging knights from across Europe to join.[67] Robert joined the Crusade, borrowing money from William Rufus to do so, and granting the King temporary custody of his part of the Duchy in exchange.[69] The King appeared confident of regaining the remainder of Normandy from Robert, and Henry appeared ever closer to William Rufus, the pair campaigning together in the Norman Vexin between 1097 and 1098.[70]

Early reign, 1100-06
Taking the throne, 1100
On the afternoon of 2 August 1100, the King had gone hunting in the New Forest, accompanied by a team of huntsmen and a number of the Norman nobility, including Henry.[71] An arrow, possibly shot by the baron Walter Tirel, hit and killed William Rufus.[72] Numerous conspiracy theories have been put forward suggesting that the King was killed deliberately; most modern historians reject these, as hunting was a risky activity, and such accidents were common.[73][nb 9] Chaos broke out, and Tirel fled the scene for France, either because he had shot the fatal arrow, or because he had been incorrectly accused and feared that he would be made a scapegoat for the King's death.[72]

Henry rode to Winchester, where an argument ensued as to who now had the best claim to the throne.[75] William of Breteuil championed the rights of Robert, who was still abroad, returning from the Crusade, and to whom Henry and the barons had given homage in previous years.[76] Henry argued that, unlike Robert, he had been born to a reigning king and queen, thereby giving him a claim under the right of porphyrogeniture.[77] Tempers flared, but Henry, supported by Henry de Beaumont and Robert of Meulan, held sway and persuaded the barons to follow him.[78] He occupied Winchester Castle and seized the royal treasury.[79]

Henry was hastily crowned king in Westminster Abbey on 5 August by Maurice, the Bishop of London, as Anselm, the Archbishop of Canterbury, had been exiled by William Rufus, and Thomas, the Archbishop of York, was in the north of England at Ripon.[80] In accordance with English tradition and in a bid to legitimise his rule, Henry issued a coronation charter laying out various commitments.[81] The new king presented himself as having restored order to a trouble-torn country.[82] He announced that he would abandon William Rufus's policies towards the Church, which had been seen as oppressive by the clergy; he promised to prevent royal abuses of the barons' property rights, and assured a return to the gentler customs of Edward the Confessor; he asserted that he would "establish a firm peace" across England and ordered "that this peace shall henceforth be kept".[83]

In addition to his existing circle of supporters, many of whom were richly rewarded with new lands, Henry quickly co-opted many of the existing administration into his new royal household.[84] William Giffard, William Rufus's chancellor, was made the Bishop of Winchester, and the prominent sheriffs Urse d'Abetot, Haimo Dapifer and Robert Fitzhamon continued to play a senior role in government.[84] By contrast, the unpopular Ranulf Flambard, the Bishop of Durham and a key member of the previous regime, was imprisoned in the Tower of London and charged with corruption.[85] The late king had left many church positions unfilled, and Henry set about nominating candidates to these, in an effort to build further support for his new government.[86] The appointments needed to be consecrated, and Henry wrote to Anselm, apologising for having been crowned while the Archbishop was still in France and asking him to return at once.[87]

Marriage to Matilda, 1100
Henry's first wife, Matilda of Scotland
On 11 November 1100 Henry married Matilda, the daughter of Malcolm III of Scotland.[88] Henry was now around 31 years old, but late marriages for noblemen were not unusual in the 11th century.[89] The pair had probably first met earlier the previous decade, possibly being introduced through Bishop Osmund of Salisbury.[90] Historian Warren Hollister argues that Henry and Matilda were emotionally close, but their union was also certainly politically motivated.[91][nb 10] Matilda had originally been named Edith, an Anglo-Saxon name, and was a member of the West Saxon royal family, being the niece of Edgar the Ætheling, the great-granddaughter of Edmund Ironside and a descendant of Alfred the Great.[93] For Henry, marrying Matilda gave his reign increased legitimacy, and for Matilda, an ambitious woman, it was an opportunity for high status and power in England.[94]

Matilda had been educated in a sequence of convents, however, and may well have taken the vows to formally become a nun, which formed an obstacle to the marriage progressing.[95] She did not wish to be a nun and appealed to Anselm for permission to marry Henry, and the Archbishop established a council at Lambeth Palace to judge the issue.[95] Despite some dissenting voices, the council concluded that although Matilda had lived in a convent, she had not actually become a nun and was therefore free to marry, a judgement that Anselm then affirmed, allowing the marriage to proceed.[95][nb 11] Matilda proved an effective queen for Henry, acting as a regent in England on occasion, addressing and presiding over councils, and extensively supporting the arts.[97] The couple soon had two children, Matilda, born in 1102, and William Adelin, born in 1103; it is possible that they also had a second son, Richard, who died young.[98][nb 12] Following the birth of these children, Matilda preferred to remain based in Westminster while Henry travelled across England and Normandy, either for religious reasons or because she enjoyed being involved in the machinery of royal governance.[100]

Henry had a considerable sexual appetite and enjoyed a substantial number of sexual partners, resulting in many illegitimate children, at least nine sons and 13 daughters, many of whom he appears to have recognised and supported.[101] It was normal for unmarried Anglo-Norman noblemen to have sexual relations with prostitutes and local women, and kings were also expected to have mistresses.[102][nb 13] Some of these relationships occurred before Henry was married, but many others took place after his marriage to Matilda.[103] Henry had a wide range of mistresses from a range of backgrounds, and the relationships appear to have been conducted relatively openly.[100] He may have chosen some of his noble mistresses for political purposes, but the evidence to support this theory is limited.[104]

Treaty of Alton, 1101-02
By early 1101, Henry's new regime was established and functioning, but many of the Anglo-Norman elite still supported Robert, or would be prepared to switch sides if Henry's elder brother appeared likely to gain power in England.[105] In February, Flambard escaped from the Tower of London and crossed the Channel to Normandy, where he injected fresh direction and energy to Robert's attempts to mobilise an invasion force.[106] By July, Robert had formed an army and a fleet, ready to move against Henry in England.[107] Raising the stakes in the conflict, Henry seized Flambard's lands and, with the support of Anselm, Flambard was removed from his position as bishop.[108] Henry held court in April and June, where the nobility renewed their oaths of allegiance to him, but their support still appeared partial and shaky.[109]

With the invasion imminent, Henry mobilised his forces and fleet outside Pevensey, close to Robert's anticipated landing site, training some of them personally in how to counter cavalry charges.[110] Despite English levies and knights owing military service to the Church arriving in considerable numbers, many of his barons did not appear.[111] Anselm intervened with some of the doubters, emphasising the religious importance of their loyalty to Henry.[112] Robert unexpectedly landed further up the coast at Portsmouth on 20 July with a modest force of a few hundred men, but these were quickly joined by many of the barons in England.[113] However, instead of marching into nearby Winchester and seizing Henry's treasury, Robert paused, giving Henry time to march west and intercept the invasion force.[114]

The two armies met at Alton where peace negotiations began, possibly initiated by either Henry or Robert, and probably supported by Flambard.[114] The brothers then agreed to the Treaty of Alton, under which Robert released Henry from his oath of homage and recognised him as king; Henry renounced his claims on western Normandy, except for Domfront, and agreed to pay Robert £2,000 a year for life; if either brother died without a male heir, the other would inherit his lands; the barons whose lands had been seized by either the King or the Duke for supporting his rival would have them returned, and Flambard would be reinstated as bishop; the two brothers would campaign together to defend their territories in Normandy.[115][nb 14] Robert remained in England for a few months more with Henry before returning to Normandy.[117]

Despite the treaty, Henry set about inflicting severe penalties on the barons who had stood against him during the invasion.[118] William de Warenne, the Earl of Surrey, was accused of fresh crimes, which were not covered by the Alton amnesty, and was banished from England.[119] In 1102 Henry then turned against Robert of Bellême and his brothers, the most powerful of the barons, accusing him of 45 different offences.[120] Robert escaped and took up arms against Henry.[121] Henry besieged Robert's castles at Arundel, Tickhill and Shrewsbury, pushing down into the south-west to attack Bridgnorth.[122] His power base in England broken, Robert accepted Henry's offer of banishment and left the country for Normandy.[123]

Conquest of Normandy, 1103-06
Henry's network of allies in Normandy became stronger during 1103.[124] Henry arranged the marriages of his illegitimate daughters, Juliane and Matilda, to Eustace of Breteuil and Rotrou III, Count of Perche, respectively, the latter union securing the Norman border.[125] Henry attempted to win over other members of the Norman nobility and gave other English estates and lucrative offers to key Norman lords.[126] Duke Robert continued to fight Robert of Bellême, but the Duke's position worsened, until by 1104, he had to ally himself formally with Bellême to survive.[127] Arguing that Duke Robert had broken the terms of their treaty, Henry crossed over the Channel to Domfront, where he met with senior barons from across Normandy, eager to ally themselves with the King.[128] Henry confronted his brother and accused him of siding with his enemies, before returning to England.[129]

Normandy continued to disintegrate into chaos.[130] In 1105, Henry sent his friend Robert Fitzhamon and a force of knights into the Duchy, apparently to provoke a confrontation with Duke Robert.[131] Fitzhamon was captured, and Henry used this as an excuse to invade, promising to restore peace and order.[130] Henry had the support of most of the neighbouring counts around Normandy's borders, and King Philip of France was persuaded to remain neutral.[132] Henry occupied western Normandy, and advanced east on Bayeux, where Fitzhamon was held.[133] The city refused to surrender, and Henry besieged it, burning it to the ground.[133] Terrified of meeting the same fate, the town of Caen switched sides and surrendered, allowing Henry to advance on Falaise, which he took with some casualties.[134] Henry's campaign stalled, and the King instead began peace discussions with Robert.[135] The negotiations were inconclusive and the fighting dragged on until Christmas, when Henry returned to England.[136]

Henry invaded again in July 1106, hoping to provoke a decisive battle.[137] After some initial tactical successes, he turned south-west towards the castle of Tinchebray.[138] He besieged the castle and Duke Robert, supported by Robert of Bellême, advanced from Falaise to relieve it.[138] After attempts at negotiation failed, the Battle of Tinchebray took place, probably on 28 September.[139][nb 15] The battle lasted around an hour, and began with a charge by Duke Robert's cavalry; the infantry and dismounted knights of both sides then joined the battle.[141] Henry's reserves, led by Elias I, Count of Maine, and Alan IV, Duke of Brittany, attacked the enemy's flanks, routing first Bellême's troops and then the bulk of the ducal forces.[142] Duke Robert was taken prisoner, but Bellême escaped.[142]

Henry mopped up the remaining resistance in Normandy, and Robert ordered his last garrisons to surrender.[143] Reaching Rouen, Henry reaffirmed the laws and customs of Normandy and took homage from the leading barons and citizens.[144] The lesser prisoners taken at Tinchebray were released, but Robert and several other leading nobles were imprisoned indefinitely.[145] Henry's nephew, Robert's son William Clito, was only three years old and was released to the care of Helias of Saint-Saens, a Norman baron.[146] Henry reconciled himself with Robert of Bellême, who gave up the ducal lands he had seized and rejoined the royal court.[147] Henry had no way of legally removing the Duchy from his brother Robert, and initially Henry avoided using the title "duke" at all, emphasising that, as the King of England, he was only acting as the guardian of the troubled Duchy.[148]

Further information on English government during this period: England in the Middle Ages § High Middle Ages (1066-1272)
Henry inherited the kingdom of England from William Rufus, giving him a claim of suzerainty over Wales and Scotland, and acquired the Duchy of Normandy, a complex entity with troubled borders.[149] The borders between England and Scotland were still uncertain during Henry's reign, with Anglo-Norman influence pushing northwards through Cumbria, but Henry's relationship with King David I of Scotland was generally good, partially due to Henry's marriage to his sister.[150] In Wales, Henry used his power to coerce and charm the indigenous Welsh princes, while Norman Marcher Lords pushed across the valleys of South Wales.[151] Normandy was controlled via various interlocking networks of ducal, ecclesiastical and family contacts, backed by a growing string of important ducal castles along the borders.[152] Alliances and relationships with neighbouring counties along the Norman border were particularly important to maintaining the stability of the Duchy.[153]

Henry ruled through the various barons and lords in England and Normandy, whom he manipulated skilfully for political effect.[154] Political friendships, termed amicitia in Latin, were important during the 12th century, and Henry maintained a wide range of these, mediating between his friends in various factions across his realm when necessary, and rewarding those who were loyal to him.[155] Henry also had a reputation for punishing those barons who stood against him, and he maintained an effective network of informers and spies who reported to him on events.[156] Henry was a harsh, firm ruler, but not excessively so by the standards of the day.[157] Over time, he increased the degree of his control over the barons, removing his enemies and bolstering his friends until the "reconstructed baronage", as historian Warren Hollister describes it, was predominantly loyal and dependent on the King.[158]

Henry's itinerant royal court comprised various parts.[159] At the heart was Henry's domestic household, called the domus; a wider grouping was termed the familia regis, and formal gatherings of the court were termed curia.[160] The domus was divided into several parts. The chapel, headed by the chancellor, looked after the royal documents, the chamber dealt with financial affairs and the master-marshal was responsible for travel and accommodation.[161] The familia regis included Henry's mounted household troops, up to several hundred strong, who came from a wider range of social backgrounds, and could be deployed across England and Normandy as required.[162] Initially Henry continued his father's practice of regular crown-wearing ceremonies at his curia, but they became less frequent as the years passed.[163] Henry's court was grand and ostentatious, financing the construction of large new buildings and castles with a range of precious gifts on display, including the King's private menagerie of exotic animals, which he kept at Woodstock Palace.[164] Despite being a lively community, Henry's court was more tightly controlled than those of previous kings.[165] Strict rules controlled personal behaviour and prohibited members of the court from pillaging neighbouring villages, as had been the norm under William Rufus.[165]

Henry was responsible for a substantial expansion of the royal justice system.[166][nb 16] In England, Henry drew on the existing Anglo-Saxon system of justice, local government and taxes, but strengthened it with additional central governmental institutions.[168] Roger of Salisbury began to develop the royal exchequer after 1110, using it to collect and audit revenues from the King's sheriffs in the shires.[169] Itinerant justices began to emerge under Henry, travelling around the country managing eyre courts, and many more laws were formally recorded.[170] Henry gathered increasing revenue from the expansion of royal justice, both from fines and from fees.[171] The first Pipe Roll that is known to have survived dates from 1130, recording royal expenditures.[172] Henry reformed the coinage in 1107, 1108 and in 1125, inflicting harsh corporal punishments to English coiners who had been found guilty of debasing the currency.[173][nb 17] In Normandy, Henry restored law and order after 1106, operating through a body of Norman justices and an exchequer system similar to that in England.[175] Norman institutions grew in scale and scope under Henry, although less quickly than in England.[176] Many of the officials that ran Henry's system were termed "new men", relatively low-born individuals who rose through the ranks as administrators, managing justice or the royal revenues.[177][nb 18]

Relations with the church
Henry's ability to govern was intimately bound up with the Church, which formed the key to the administration of both England and Normandy, and this relationship changed considerably over the course of his reign.[179] William the Conqueror had reformed the English Church with the support of his Archbishop of Canterbury, Lanfranc, who became a close colleague and advisor to the King.[180][nb 19] Under William Rufus this arrangement had collapsed, the King and Archbishop Anselm had become estranged and Anselm had gone into exile. Henry also believed in Church reform, but on taking power in England he became embroiled in the investiture controversy.[182]

The argument concerned who should invest a new bishop with his staff and ring: traditionally, this had been carried out by the king in a symbolic demonstration of royal power, but Pope Urban II had condemned this practice in 1099, arguing that only the papacy could carry out this task, and declaring that the clergy should not give homage to their local temporal rulers.[183] Anselm returned to England from exile in 1100 having heard Urban's pronouncement, and informed Henry that he would be complying with the Pope's wishes.[184] Henry was in a difficult position. On one hand, the symbolism and homage was important to him; on the other hand, he needed Anselm's support in his struggle with his brother Duke Robert.[185]

Anselm stuck firmly to the letter of the papal decree, despite Henry's attempts to persuade him to give way in return for a vague assurance of a future royal compromise.[186] Matters escalated, with Anselm going back into exile and Henry confiscating the revenues of his estates. Anselm threatened excommunication, and in July 1105 the two men finally negotiated a solution.[187] A distinction was drawn between the secular and ecclesiastical powers of the prelates, under which Henry gave up his right to invest his clergy, but retained the custom of requiring them to come and do homage for the temporalities, the landed properties they held in England.[188] Despite this argument, the pair worked closely together, combining to deal with Duke Robert's invasion of 1101, for example, and holding major reforming councils in 1102 and 1108.[189]

A long-running dispute between the Archbishops of Canterbury and York flared up under Anselm's successor, Ralph d'Escures.[190] Canterbury, traditionally the senior of the two establishments, had long argued that the Archbishop of York should formally promise to obey their Archbishop, but York argued that the two episcopates were independent within the English Church and that no such promise was necessary. Henry supported the primacy of Canterbury, to ensure that England remained under a single ecclesiastical administration, but the Pope preferred the case of York.[190] The matter was complicated by Henry's personal friendship with Thurstan, the Archbishop of York, and the King's desire that the case should not end up in a papal court, beyond royal control.[190] Henry badly needed the support of the Papacy in his struggle with Louis of France, however, and therefore allowed Thurstan to attend the Council of Rheims in 1119, where Thurstan was then consecrated by the Pope with no mention of any duty towards Canterbury.[191] Henry believed that this went against assurances Thurstan had previously made and exiled him from England until the King and Archbishop came to a negotiated solution the following year.[192]

Even after the investiture dispute, the King continued to play a major role in the selection of new English and Norman bishops and archbishops.[193] Henry appointed many of his officials to bishoprics and, as historian Martin Brett suggests, "some of his officers could look forward to a mitre with all but absolute confidence".[194] Henry's chancellors, and those of his queens, became bishops of Durham, Hereford, London, Lincoln, Winchester and Salisbury.[195] Henry increasingly drew on a wider range of these bishops as advisors - particularly Roger of Salisbury - breaking with the earlier tradition of relying primarily on the Archbishop of Canterbury.[196] The result was a cohesive body of administrators through which Henry could exercise careful influence, holding general councils to discuss key matters of policy.[197] This stability shifted slightly after 1125, when Henry began to inject a wider range of candidates into the senior positions of the Church, often with more reformist views, and the impact of this generation would be felt in the years after Henry's death.[198]

Personal beliefs and piety
Like other rulers of the period, Henry donated to the Church and patronised various religious communities, but contemporary chroniclers did not consider him an unusually pious king.[199] His personal beliefs and piety may, however, have developed during the course of his life. Henry had always taken an interest in religion, but in his later years he may have become much more concerned about spiritual affairs.[200] If so, the major shifts in his thinking would appear to have occurred after 1120, when his son William Adelin died, and 1129, when his daughter's marriage teetered on the verge of collapse.[201][nb 20]

As a proponent of religious reform, Henry gave extensively to reformist groups within the Church.[203] He was a keen supporter of the Cluniac order, probably for intellectual reasons.[204] He donated money to the abbey at Cluny itself, and after 1120 gave generously to Reading Abbey, a Cluniac establishment.[204] Construction on Reading began in 1121, and Henry endowed it with rich lands and extensive privileges, making it a symbol of his dynastic lines.[205] He also focused effort on promoting the conversion of communities of clerks into Augustinian canons, the foundation of leper hospitals, expanding the provision of nunneries, and the charismatic orders of the Savigniacs and Tironensians.[206] He was an avid collector of relics, sending an embassy to Constantinople in 1118 to collect Byzantine items, some of which were donated to Reading Abbey.[207]

Later reign, 1107-35
Continental and Welsh politics, 1108-14
Normandy faced an increased threat from France, Anjou and Flanders after 1108.[208] Louis VI succeeded to the French throne in 1108 and began to reassert central royal power.[208] Louis demanded Henry give homage to him and that two disputed castles along the Normandy border be placed into the control of neutral castellans.[209] Henry refused, and Louis responded by mobilising an army.[210] After some arguments, the two kings negotiated a truce and retreated without fighting, leaving the underlying issues unresolved.[210][nb 21] Fulk V assumed power in Anjou in 1109 and began to rebuild Angevin authority.[212] Fulk also inherited the county of Maine, but refused to recognise Henry as his feudal lord and instead allied himself with Louis.[213] Robert II of Flanders also briefly joined the alliance, before his death in 1111.[214]

In 1108, Henry betrothed his six-year-old daughter, Matilda, to Henry V, the future Holy Roman Emperor.[215] For King Henry, this was a prestigious match; for Henry V, it was an opportunity to restore his financial situation and fund an expedition to Italy, as he received a dowry of £6,666 from England and Normandy.[216][nb 22] Raising this money proved challenging, and required the implementation of a special "aid", or tax, in England.[218] Matilda was crowned German queen in 1110.[219]

Henry responded to the French and Angevin threat by expanding his own network of supporters beyond the Norman borders.[220] Some Norman barons deemed unreliable were arrested or dispossessed, and Henry used their forfeited estates to bribe his potential allies in the neighbouring territories, in particular Maine.[221] Around 1110, Henry attempted to arrest the young William Clito, but William's mentors moved him to the safety of Flanders before he could be taken.[222] At about this time, Henry probably began to style himself as the duke of Normandy.[223][nb 23] Robert of Bellême turned against Henry once again, and when he appeared at Henry's court in 1112 in a new role as a French ambassador, he was arrested and imprisoned.[225]

Rebellions broke out in France and Anjou between 1111 and 1113, and Henry crossed into Normandy to support his nephew, Count Theobald II of Blois, who had sided against Louis in the uprising.[226] In a bid to diplomatically isolate the French king, Henry betrothed his young son, William Adelin, to Fulk's daughter Matilda, and married his illegitimate daughter Matilda to Duke Conan III of Brittany, creating alliances with Anjou and Brittany respectively.[227] Louis backed down and in March 1113 met with Henry near Gisors to agree a peace settlement, giving Henry the disputed fortresses and confirming Henry's overlordship of Maine, Bellême and Brittany.[228]

Meanwhile, the situation in Wales was deteriorating. Henry had conducted a campaign in South Wales in 1108, pushing out royal power in the region and colonising the area around Pembroke with Flemings.[229] By 1114, some of the resident Norman lords were under attack, while in Mid-Wales, Owain ap Cadwgan blinded one of the political hostages he was holding, and in North Wales Gruffudd ap Cynan threatened the power of the Earl of Chester.[230] Henry sent three armies into Wales that year, with Gilbert Fitz Richard leading a force from the south, Alexander, King of Scotland, pressing from the north and Henry himself advancing into Mid-Wales.[230] Owain and Gruffudd sued for peace, and Henry accepted a political compromise.[231] Henry reinforced the Welsh Marches with his own appointees, strengthening the border territories.[232]

Rebellion, 1115-20
Concerned about the succession, Henry sought to persuade Louis VI to accept his son, William Adelin, as the legitimate future Duke of Normandy, in exchange for his son's homage.[233] Henry crossed into Normandy in 1115 and assembled the Norman barons to swear loyalty; he also almost successfully negotiated a settlement with King Louis, affirming William's right to the Duchy in exchange for a large sum of money, but the deal fell through and Louis, backed by his ally Baldwin of Flanders, instead declared that he considered William Clito the legitimate heir to the Duchy.[234]

War broke out after Henry returned to Normandy with an army to support Theobald of Blois, who was under attack from Louis.[235] Henry and Louis raided each other's towns along the border, and a wider conflict then broke out, probably in 1116.[235][nb 24] Henry was pushed onto the defensive as French, Flemish and Angevin forces began to pillage the Normandy countryside.[237] Amaury III of Montfort and many other barons rose up against Henry, and there was an assassination plot from within his own household.[237] Henry's wife, Matilda, died in early 1118, but the situation in Normandy was sufficiently pressing that Henry was unable to return to England for her funeral.[238]

Henry responded by mounting campaigns against the rebel barons and deepening his alliance with Theobald.[239] Baldwin of Flanders was wounded in battle and died in September 1118, easing the pressure on Normandy from the north-east.[240] Henry attempted to crush a revolt in the city of Alençon, but was defeated by Fulk and the Angevin army.[241] Forced to retreat from Alençon, Henry's position deteriorated alarmingly, as his resources became overstretched and more barons abandoned his cause.[242] Early in 1119, Eustace of Breteuil and Henry's daughter, Juliana, threatened to join the baronial revolt.[243] Hostages were exchanged in a bid to avoid conflict, but relations broke down and both sides mutilated their captives.[244] Henry attacked and took the town of Breteuil, despite Juliana's attempt to kill her father with a crossbow.[244][nb 25] In the aftermath, Henry dispossessed the couple of almost all of their lands in Normandy.[246]

Henry's situation improved in May 1119 when he enticed Fulk to switch sides by finally agreeing to marry William Adelin to Fulk's daughter, Matilda, and paying Fulk a large sum of money.[247] Fulk left for the Levant, leaving the County of Maine in Henry's care, and the King was free to focus on crushing his remaining enemies.[248] During the summer Henry advanced into the Norman Vexin, where he encountered Louis's army, resulting in the Battle of Brémule.[249] Henry appears to have deployed scouts and then organised his troops into several carefully formed lines of dismounted knights.[250] Unlike Henry's forces, the French knights remained mounted; they hastily charged the Anglo-Norman positions, breaking through the first rank of the defences but then becoming entangled in Henry's second line of knights.[251] Surrounded, the French army began to collapse.[250] In the melee, Henry was hit by a sword blow, but his armour protected him.[252] Louis and William Clito escaped from the battle, leaving Henry to return to Rouen in triumph.[253]

The war slowly petered out after this battle, and Louis took the dispute over Normandy to Pope Callixtus II's council in Reims that October.[254] Henry faced a number of French complaints concerning his acquisition and subsequent management of Normandy, and despite being defended by Geoffrey, the Archbishop of Rouen, Henry's case was shouted down by the pro-French elements of the council.[255] Callixtus declined to support Louis, however, and merely advised the two rulers to seek peace.[256] Amaury de Montfort came to terms with Henry, but Henry and William Clito failed to find a mutually satisfactory compromise.[257] In June 1120, Henry and Louis formally made peace on terms advantageous to the King of England: William Adelin gave homage to Louis, and in return Louis confirmed William's rights to the Duchy.[258]

Succession crisis, 1120-23
Henry's succession plans were thrown into chaos by the sinking of the White Ship on 25 November 1120.[259] Henry had left the port of Barfleur for England in the early evening, leaving William Adelin and many of the younger members of the court to follow on that night in a separate vessel, the White Ship.[260] Both the crew and passengers were drunk and, just outside the harbour, the ship hit a submerged rock.[261][nb 26] The ship sank, killing as many as 300 people, with only one survivor, a butcher from Rouen.[261] Henry's court was initially too scared to report William's death to the King. When he was finally told, he collapsed with grief.[263]

The disaster left Henry with no legitimate son, his various nephews now the closest possible male heirs.[264] Henry announced he would take a new wife, Adeliza of Louvain, opening up the prospect of a new royal son, and the two were married at Windsor Castle in January 1121.[265][nb 27] Henry appears to have chosen her because she was attractive and came from a prestigious noble line. Adeliza seems to have been fond of Henry and joined him in his travels, probably to maximise the chances of her conceiving a child.[267] The White Ship disaster initiated fresh conflict in Wales, where the drowning of Richard, Earl of Chester, encouraged a rebellion led by Maredudd ap Bleddyn.[268] Henry intervened in North Wales that summer with an army and, although the King was hit by a Welsh arrow, the campaign reaffirmed royal power across the region.[268]

With William dead, Henry's alliance with Anjou - which had been based on his son marrying Fulk's daughter - began to disintegrate.[269] Fulk returned from the Levant and demanded that Henry return Matilda and her dowry, a range of estates and fortifications in Maine.[269] Matilda left for Anjou, but Henry argued that the dowry had in fact originally belonged to him before it came into the possession of Fulk, and so declined to hand the estates back to Anjou.[270] Fulk married his daughter Sibylla to William Clito, and granted them Maine.[271] Once again, conflict broke out, as Amaury de Montfort allied himself with Fulk and led a revolt along the Norman-Anjou border in 1123.[271] Amaury was joined by several other Norman barons, headed by Waleran de Beaumont, one of the sons of Henry's old ally, Robert of Meulan.[272][nb 28]

Henry dispatched Robert of Gloucester and Ranulf le Meschin to Normandy and then intervened himself in late 1123.[274] Henry began the process of besieging the rebel castles, before wintering in the Duchy.[275] In the spring of 1124, campaigning began again. In the battle of Bourgthéroulde, Odo Borleng, castellan of Bernay, led the king's army and received intelligence that the rebels were departing from the rebel base in Beaumont-le-Roger allowing him to ambush them as they traversed through the Brotonne forest. Waleran charged the royal forces, but his knights were cut down by Odo's archers and the rebels were quickly overwhelmed.[276] Waleran was captured, but Amaury escaped.[276] Henry mopped up the remainder of the rebellion, blinding some of the rebel leaders - considered, at the time, a more merciful punishment than execution - and recovering the last rebel castles.[277] Henry paid Pope Callixtus a large amount of money, in exchange for the Papacy annulling the marriage of William Clito and Sibylla on the grounds of consanguinity.[278][nb 29]

Planning the succession, 1124-34
Henry and his new wife did not conceive any children, generating prurient speculation as to the possible explanation, and the future of the dynasty appeared at risk.[280][nb 30] Henry may have begun to look among his nephews for a possible heir. He may have considered Stephen of Blois as a possible option and, perhaps in preparation for this, he arranged a beneficial marriage for Stephen to a wealthy heiress, Matilda.[282] Theobald of Blois, his close ally, may have also felt that he was in favour with Henry.[283] William Clito, who was King Louis's preferred choice, remained opposed to Henry and was therefore unsuitable.[284] Henry may have also considered his own illegitimate son, Robert of Gloucester, as a possible candidate, but English tradition and custom would have looked unfavourably on this.[285]

Henry's plans shifted when the Empress Matilda's husband, the Emperor Henry, died in 1125.[286] King Henry recalled his daughter to England the next year and declared that, should he die without a male heir, she was to be his rightful successor.[287] The Anglo-Norman barons were gathered together at Westminster at Christmas 1126, where they swore to recognise Matilda and any future legitimate heir she might have.[287][nb 31] Putting forward a woman as a potential heir in this way was unusual: opposition to Matilda continued to exist within the English court, and Louis was vehemently opposed to her candidacy.[289]

Fresh conflict broke out in 1127, when Charles, the childless Count of Flanders, was murdered, creating a local succession crisis.[290] Backed by King Louis, William Clito was chosen by the Flemings to become their new ruler.[291] This development potentially threatened Normandy, and Henry began to finance a proxy war in Flanders, promoting the claims of William's Flemish rivals.[292] In an effort to disrupt the French alliance with William, Henry mounted an attack into France in 1128, forcing Louis to cut his aid to William.[293] William died unexpectedly in July, removing the last major challenger to Henry's rule and bringing the war in Flanders to a halt.[294] Without William, the baronial opposition in Normandy lacked a leader. A fresh peace was made with France, and the King was finally able to release the remaining prisoners from the revolt of 1123, including Waleran of Meulan, who was rehabilitated into the royal court.[295]

Meanwhile, Henry rebuilt his alliance with Fulk of Anjou, this time by marrying Matilda to Fulk's eldest son, Geoffrey.[296] The pair were betrothed in 1127 and married the following year.[297] It is unknown whether Henry intended Geoffrey to have any future claim on England or Normandy, and he was probably keeping his son-in-law's status deliberately uncertain. Similarly, although Matilda was granted a number of Normandy castles as part of her dowry, it was not specified when the couple would actually take possession of them.[298] Fulk left Anjou for Jerusalem in 1129, declaring Geoffrey the Count of Anjou and Maine.[299] The marriage proved difficult, as the couple did not particularly like each other and the disputed castles proved a point of contention, resulting in Matilda returning to Normandy later that year.[300] Henry appears to have blamed Geoffrey for the separation, but in 1131 the couple were reconciled.[301] Much to the pleasure and relief of Henry, Matilda then gave birth to a sequence of two sons, Henry and Geoffrey, in 1133 and 1134.[302]

Death and legacy
Relations between Henry, Matilda, and Geoffrey became increasingly strained during the King's final years. Matilda and Geoffrey suspected that they lacked genuine support in England. In 1135 they urged Henry to hand over the royal castles in Normandy to Matilda whilst he was still alive, and insisted that the Norman nobility swear immediate allegiance to her, thereby giving the couple a more powerful position after Henry's death.[303] Henry angrily declined to do so, probably out of concern that Geoffrey would try to seize power in Normandy.[304] A fresh rebellion broke out amongst the barons in southern Normandy, led by William, the Count of Ponthieu, whereupon Geoffrey and Matilda intervened in support of the rebels.[305]

Henry campaigned throughout the autumn, strengthening the southern frontier, and then travelled to Lyons-la-Forêt in November to enjoy some hunting, still apparently healthy.[306] There Henry fell ill - according to the chronicler Henry of Huntingdon, he ate too many ("a surfeit of") lampreys against his physician's advice - and his condition worsened over the course of a week.[307] Once the condition appeared terminal, Henry gave confession and summoned Archbishop Hugh of Amiens, who was joined by Robert of Gloucester and other members of the court.[308] In accordance with custom, preparations were made to settle Henry's outstanding debts and to revoke outstanding sentences of forfeiture.[309] The King died on 1 December 1135, and his corpse was taken to Rouen accompanied by the barons, where it was embalmed; his entrails were buried locally at the priory of Notre-Dame du Pré, and the preserved body was taken on to England, where it was interred at Reading Abbey.[310]

Despite Henry's efforts, the succession was disputed. When news began to spread of the King's death, Geoffrey and Matilda were in Anjou supporting the rebels in their campaign against the royal army, which included a number of Matilda's supporters such as Robert of Gloucester.[15] Many of these barons had taken an oath to stay in Normandy until the late king was properly buried, which prevented them from returning to England.[311] The Norman nobility discussed declaring Theobald of Blois king.[312] Theobald's younger brother, Stephen of Blois, quickly crossed from Boulogne to England, however, accompanied by his military household.[313] With the help of his brother, Henry of Blois, he seized power in England and was crowned king on 22 December.[314] The Empress Matilda did not give up her claim to England and Normandy, leading to the prolonged civil war known as the Anarchy between 1135 and 1153.[315]

Historiography
Historians have drawn on a range of sources on Henry, including the accounts of chroniclers; other documentary evidence, including early pipe rolls; and surviving buildings and architecture.[316] The three main chroniclers to describe the events of Henry's life were William of Malmesbury, Orderic Vitalis, and Henry of Huntingdon, but each incorporated extensive social and moral commentary into their accounts and borrowed a range of literary devices and stereotypical events from other popular works.[317] Other chroniclers include Eadmer, Hugh the Chanter, Abbot Suger, and the authors of the Welsh Brut.[318] Not all royal documents from the period have survived, but there are a number of royal acts, charters, writs, and letters, along with some early financial records.[319] Some of these have since been discovered to be forgeries, and others had been subsequently amended or tampered with.[320]

Late medieval historians seized on the accounts of selected chroniclers regarding Henry's education and gave him the title of Henry "Beauclerc", a theme echoed in the analysis of Victorian and Edwardian historians such as Francis Palgrave and Henry Davis.[321] The historian Charles David dismissed this argument in 1929, showing the more extreme claims for Henry's education to be without foundation.[322] Modern histories of Henry commenced with Richard Southern's work in the early 1960s, followed by extensive research during the rest of the 20th century into a wide number of themes from his reign in England, and a much more limited number of studies of his rule in Normandy.[323] Only two major, modern biographies of Henry have been produced, C. Warren Hollister's posthumous volume in 2001, and Judith Green's 2006 work.[324]

Interpretation of Henry's personality by historians has altered over time. Earlier historians such as Austin Poole and Richard Southern considered Henry as a cruel, draconian ruler.[325] More recent historians, such as Hollister and Green, view his implementation of justice much more sympathetically, particularly when set against the standards of the day, but even Green has noted that Henry was "in many respects highly unpleasant", and Alan Cooper has observed that many contemporary chroniclers were probably too scared of the King to voice much criticism.[326] Historians have also debated the extent to which Henry's administrative reforms genuinely constituted an introduction of what Hollister and John Baldwin have termed systematic, "administrative kingship", or whether his outlook remained fundamentally traditional.[327]

Henry's burial at Reading Abbey is marked by a local cross and a plaque,[328] but Reading Abbey was slowly demolished during the Dissolution of the Monasteries in the 16th century.[329] The exact location is uncertain, but the most likely location of the tomb itself is now in a built-up area of central Reading, on the site of the former abbey choir.[329] A plan to locate his remains was announced in March 2015, with support from English Heritage and Philippa Langley, who aided with the successful discovery and exhumation of Richard III.[330]

Family/Spouse: MatildaEadgith of Scotland Dunkeld. MatildaEadgith was born about 1080; died on 1 May 1118. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]

Other Events:

• Name: Empress Maude
• Reference Number: 7998

Notes:

https://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Normandie-40

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Holy Roman Empress;
German Queen;
Queen of Italy
Tenure 7 January 1114 - 23 May 1125
Lady of the English (disputed)
Reign 7 April 1141 - 1148[1][2]
Predecessor Stephen (as king)
Successor Stephen (as king)
Born c. 7 February 1102
Possibly Winchester or Sutton Courtenay, England
Died 10 September 1167 (aged 65)
Rouen, France
Burial Rouen Cathedral, France
Spouse Henry V, Holy Roman Emperor
(m. 1114; died 1125)
Geoffrey V, Count of Anjou
(m. 1128; died 1151)
Issue Henry II of England
Geoffrey, Count of Nantes
William FitzEmpress
House Normandy
Father Henry I of England
Mother Matilda of Scotland
Empress Matilda (c. 7 February 1102 - 10 September 1167), also known as the Empress Maude,[nb 1] was one of the claimants to the English throne during the civil war known as the Anarchy. The daughter of King Henry I of England, she moved to Germany as a child when she married the future Holy Roman Emperor Henry V. She travelled with her husband into Italy in 1116, was controversially crowned in St. Peter's Basilica, and acted as the imperial regent in Italy. Matilda and Henry V had no children, and when he died in 1125, the imperial crown was claimed by Lothair II.

Meanwhile, Matilda's younger brother, William Adelin, died in the White Ship disaster of 1120, leaving Matilda's father and England facing a potential succession crisis. On Emperor Henry V's death, Matilda was recalled to Normandy by her father, who arranged for her to marry Geoffrey of Anjou to form an alliance to protect his southern borders. Henry I had no further legitimate children and nominated Matilda as his heir, making his court swear an oath of loyalty to her and her successors, but the decision was not popular in the Anglo-Norman court. Henry died in 1135, but Matilda and Geoffrey faced opposition from Anglo-Norman barons. The throne was instead taken by Matilda's cousin Stephen of Blois, who enjoyed the backing of the English Church. Stephen took steps to solidify his new regime but faced threats both from neighbouring powers and from opponents within his kingdom.

In 1139, Matilda crossed to England to take the kingdom by force, supported by her half-brother, Robert of Gloucester, and her uncle, King David I of Scotland, while Geoffrey focused on conquering Normandy. Matilda's forces captured Stephen at the Battle of Lincoln in 1141, but the Empress's attempt to be crowned at Westminster collapsed in the face of bitter opposition from the London crowds. As a result of this retreat, Matilda was never formally declared Queen of England, and was instead titled the Lady of the English. Robert was captured following the Rout of Winchester in 1141, and Matilda agreed to exchange him for Stephen. Matilda became trapped in Oxford Castle by Stephen's forces that winter, and was forced to escape across the frozen River Isis at night to avoid capture. The war degenerated into a stalemate, with Matilda controlling much of the south-west of England, and Stephen the south-east and the Midlands. Large parts of the rest of the country were in the hands of local, independent barons.

Matilda returned to Normandy, now in the hands of her husband, in 1148, leaving her eldest son to continue the campaign in England; he eventually succeeded to the throne as Henry II in 1154, forming the Angevin Empire. She settled her court near Rouen and for the rest of her life concerned herself with the administration of Normandy, acting on her son's behalf when necessary. Particularly in the early years of her son's reign, she provided political advice and attempted to mediate during the Becket controversy. She worked extensively with the Church, founding Cistercian monasteries, and was known for her piety. She was buried under the high altar at Bec Abbey after her death in 1167.

Childhood
Matilda was born to Henry I, King of England and Duke of Normandy, and his first wife, Matilda of Scotland, possibly around 7 February 1102 at Sutton Courtenay, in Berkshire.[3][nb 2] Henry was the youngest son of William the Conqueror, who had invaded England in 1066, creating an empire stretching into Wales. The invasion had created an Anglo-Norman elite, many with estates spread across both sides of the English Channel.[5] These barons typically had close links to the kingdom of France, which was then a loose collection of counties and smaller polities, under only the minimal control of the king.[6] Her mother Matilda was the daughter of King Malcolm III of Scotland, a member of the West Saxon royal family, and a descendant of Alfred the Great.[7] For Henry, marrying Matilda of Scotland had given his reign increased legitimacy, and for her it had been an opportunity for high status and power in England.[8]

Matilda had a younger, legitimate brother, William Adelin, and her father's relationships with numerous mistresses resulted in around 22 illegitimate siblings.[nb 3] Little is known about Matilda's earliest life, but she probably stayed with her mother, was taught to read, and was educated in religious morals.[9][nb 4] Among the nobles at her mother's court were her uncle David, later the King of Scotland, and aspiring nobles such as her half-brother Robert of Gloucester, her cousin Stephen of Blois and Brian Fitz Count.[11] In 1108 Henry left Matilda and her brother in the care of Anselm, the Archbishop of Canterbury, while he travelled to Normandy; Anselm was a favoured cleric of Matilda's mother.[12] There is no detailed description of Matilda's appearance; contemporaries described Matilda as being very beautiful, but this may have simply reflected the conventional practice among the chroniclers.[13]

Holy Roman Empire
In late 1108 or early 1109, Henry V, then the King of the Romans, sent envoys to Normandy proposing that Matilda marry him, and wrote separately to her mother on the same matter.[14] The match was attractive to the English king: his daughter would be marrying into one of the most prestigious dynasties in Europe, reaffirming his own, slightly questionable, status as the youngest son of a new royal house, and gaining him an ally in dealing with France.[15] In return, Henry V would receive a dowry of 10,000 marks, which he needed to fund an expedition to Rome for his coronation as the Holy Roman Emperor.[16] The final details of the deal were negotiated at Westminster in June 1109 and, as a result of her changing status, Matilda attended a royal council for the first time that October.[16] She left England in February 1110 to make her way to Germany.[17]

The couple met at Liège before travelling to Utrecht where, on 10 April, they became officially betrothed.[18] On 25 July Matilda was crowned Queen of the Romans in a ceremony at Mainz.[19] There was a considerable age gap between the couple, as Matilda was only eight years old while Henry was 24.[20] After the betrothal she was placed into the custody of Bruno, the Archbishop of Trier, who was tasked with educating her in German culture, manners and government.[21][22][nb 5] In January 1114 Matilda was ready to be married to Henry, and their wedding was held at the city of Worms amid extravagant celebrations.[23] Matilda now entered public life in Germany, complete with her own household.[24]

Political conflict broke out across the Empire shortly after the marriage, triggered when Henry arrested his Chancellor Adalbert and various other German princes.[25] Rebellions followed, accompanied by opposition from within the Church, which played an important part in administering the Empire, and this led to the formal excommunication of the Emperor by Pope Paschal II.[26] Henry and Matilda marched over the Alps into Italy in early 1116, intent on settling matters permanently with the Pope.[26] Matilda was now playing a full part in the imperial government, sponsoring royal grants, dealing with petitioners and taking part in ceremonial occasions.[27] The rest of the year was spent establishing control of northern Italy, and in early 1117 the pair advanced on Rome itself.[28]

Paschal fled when Henry and Matilda arrived, and in his absence the papal envoy Maurice Bourdin, later the Antipope Gregory VIII, crowned the pair at St. Peter's Basilica, probably that Easter and certainly by Pentecost.[29] Matilda used these ceremonies to claim the title of the Empress of the Holy Roman Empire. The Empire was governed by elected monarchs who, like Henry V, had been selected by the major nobles to become the King of the Romans. These kings typically hoped to be subsequently crowned by the Pope as the Holy Roman Emperor, but this could not be guaranteed. Henry V had coerced the Pope into crowning him in 1111, but Matilda's own status was less clear.[30] As a result of her marriage she was clearly the legitimate Queen of the Romans, a title that she used on her seal and charters, but it was uncertain if she had a legitimate claim to the title of empress.[30]

Both Bourdin's status and the ceremonies themselves were deeply ambiguous. Strictly speaking, the ceremonies were not imperial coronations but instead were formal "crown-wearing" occasions, among the few times in the year when the rulers would wear their crowns in court.[31] Bourdin had also been excommunicated by the time he conducted the second ceremony, and he was later to be deposed and imprisoned for life by the Pope.[31] Nonetheless, Matilda maintained that she had been officially crowned as the empress in Rome.[31] The titles of emperor and empress were not always consistently used in this period, and in any case her use of the title became widely accepted.[32] Matilda chose not to dispute Anglo-Norman chroniclers who later incorrectly recorded that the Pope himself had crowned her in Rome.[33]

Death of Henry
In 1118, Henry returned north over the Alps into Germany to suppress fresh rebellions, leaving Matilda as his regent to govern Italy.[34][nb 6] There are few records of her rule over the next two years, but she probably gained considerable practical experience of government.[36] In 1119, she returned north to meet Henry in Lotharingia.[37] Her husband was occupied in finding a compromise with the Pope, who had excommunicated him.[37] In 1122, Henry and probably Matilda were at the Council of Worms.[38] The council settled the long-running dispute with the Church when Henry gave up his rights to invest bishops with their episcopal regalia.[38] Matilda attempted to visit her father in England that year, but the journey was blocked by Charles I, Count of Flanders, whose territory she would have needed to pass through.[39] Historian Marjorie Chibnall argues Matilda had intended to discuss the inheritance of the English crown on this journey.[40]

Matilda and Henry remained childless, but neither party was considered to be infertile and contemporary chroniclers blamed their situation on the Emperor and his sins against the Church.[41][nb 7] In early 1122, the couple travelled down the Rhine together as Henry continued to suppress the ongoing political unrest, but by now he was suffering from cancer.[42] His condition worsened and he died on 23 May 1125 in Utrecht, leaving Matilda in the protection of their nephew Frederick, the heir to his estates.[43] Before his death, he left the imperial insignia in the control of Matilda, but it is unclear what instructions he gave her about the future of the Empire, which faced another leadership election.[44] Archbishop Adalbert subsequently convinced Matilda that she should give him the insignia, and the Archbishop led the electoral process which appointed Lothair of Supplinburg, a former enemy of Henry, as the new King of the Romans.[45]

Now aged 23, Matilda had only limited options as to how she might spend the rest of her life.[45] Being childless, she could not exercise a role as an imperial regent, which left her with the choice of either becoming a nun or remarrying.[45] Some offers of marriage started to arrive from German princes, but she chose to return to Normandy.[46] She does not appear to have expected to return to Germany, as she gave up her estates within the Empire and departed with her personal collection of jewels, her own imperial regalia, two of Henry's crowns, and the valuable relic of the Hand of St James the Apostle.[47]

Succession crisis
In 1120, the English political landscape had changed dramatically after the White Ship disaster. Around three hundred passengers - including Matilda's brother William Adelin and many other senior nobles - embarked one night on the White Ship to travel from Barfleur in Normandy across to England.[48] The vessel foundered just outside the harbour, possibly as a result of overcrowding or excessive drinking by the ship's master and crew, and all but two of the passengers died. William Adelin was among the casualties.[49]

With William dead, the succession to the English throne was thrown into doubt. Rules of succession were uncertain in western Europe at the time; in some parts of France, male primogeniture was becoming more popular, in which the eldest son would inherit a title.[50] It was also traditional for the King of France to crown his successor while he was still alive, making the intended line of succession relatively clear. This was not the case in England, where the best a noble could do was to identify what Professor Eleanor Searle has termed a pool of legitimate heirs, leaving them to challenge and dispute the inheritance after his death.[51] The problem was further complicated by the sequence of unstable Anglo-Norman successions over the previous sixty years. William the Conqueror had invaded England, his sons William Rufus and Robert Curthose had fought a war between them to establish their inheritance, and Henry had only acquired control of Normandy by force. There had been no peaceful, uncontested successions.[52]

Initially, Henry put his hopes in fathering another son. William and Matilda's mother-Matilda of Scotland-had died in 1118, and so Henry took a new wife, Adeliza of Louvain. Henry and Adeliza did not conceive any children, and the future of the dynasty appeared at risk.[53] Henry may have begun to look among his nephews for a possible heir. He may have considered his sister Adela's son Stephen of Blois as a possible option and, perhaps in preparation for this, he arranged a beneficial marriage for Stephen to Matilda's wealthy maternal cousin and namesake the Countess of Boulogne.[54] Theobald of Blois, his close ally, possibly also felt that he was in favour with Henry.[55] William Clito, the only son of Robert Curthose, was King Louis VI of France's preferred choice, but William was in open rebellion against Henry and was therefore unsuitable.[56] Henry might have also considered his own illegitimate son, Robert of Gloucester, as a possible candidate, but English tradition and custom would have looked unfavourably on this.[57] Henry's plans shifted when Empress Matilda's husband, Emperor Henry, died in 1125.[58]

Return to Normandy
Contemporary depiction of Geoffrey of Anjou, Matilda's second husband
Matilda returned to Normandy in 1125 and spent about a year at the royal court, where her father Henry was still hoping that his second marriage would generate a male heir.[59] In the event that this failed to happen, Matilda was now Henry's preferred choice, and he declared that she was to be his rightful successor if he should die without a male heir.[60] The Anglo-Norman barons were gathered together at Westminster on Christmas 1126, where they swore in January to recognise Matilda and any future legitimate heir she might have.[61][nb 8]

Henry began to formally look for a new husband for Matilda in early 1127 and received various offers from princes within the Empire.[63] His preference was to use Matilda's marriage to secure the southern borders of Normandy by marrying her to Geoffrey of Anjou, the eldest son of Fulk, the Count of Anjou.[64] Henry's control of Normandy had faced numerous challenges since he had conquered it in 1106, and the latest threat came from his nephew William Clito, the new Count of Flanders, who enjoyed the support of the French King.[65] It was essential to Henry that he did not also face a threat from the south as well as the east of Normandy.[66] William Adelin had married Fulk's daughter Matilda, which would have cemented an alliance between Henry and Anjou, but the White Ship disaster put an end to this.[67] Henry and Fulk argued over the fate of the marriage dowry, and this had encouraged Fulk to turn to support William Clito instead.[68] Henry's solution was now to negotiate the marriage of Matilda to Geoffrey, recreating the former alliance.[65]

Matilda appears to have been unimpressed by this plan.[69] She felt that marrying the son of a count diminished her imperial status and was probably also unhappy about marrying someone so much younger than she was; Matilda was 25 and Geoffrey was only 13.[69] Hildebert, the Archbishop of Tours, eventually intervened to persuade her to go along with the engagement.[69] Matilda finally agreed, and she travelled to Rouen in May 1127 with Robert of Gloucester and Brian Fitz Count where she was formally betrothed to Geoffrey.[70] Over the course of the next year, Fulk decided to depart for Jerusalem, where he hoped to become king, leaving his possessions to Geoffrey.[71] Henry knighted his future son-in-law, and Matilda and Geoffrey were married a week later on 17 June 1128 in Le Mans by the bishops of Le Mans and Séez.[71] Fulk finally left Anjou for Jerusalem in 1129, declaring Geoffrey the Count of Anjou and Maine.[72]

Disputes
The marriage proved difficult, as the couple did not particularly like each other.[73] There was a further dispute over Matilda's dowry; she was granted various castles in Normandy by Henry, but it was not specified when the couple would actually take possession of them.[74] It is also unknown whether Henry intended Geoffrey to have any future claim on England or Normandy, and he was probably keeping Geoffrey's status deliberately uncertain.[74] Soon after the marriage, Matilda left Geoffrey and returned to Normandy.[73] Henry appears to have blamed Geoffrey for the separation, but the couple were finally reconciled in 1131.[75] Henry summoned Matilda from Normandy, and she arrived in England that August.[76] It was decided that Matilda would return to Geoffrey at a meeting of the King's great council in September.[76] The council also gave another collective oath of allegiance to recognise her as Henry's heir.[76][nb 9]

Matilda gave birth to her first son in March 1133 at Le Mans, the future Henry II.[78] Henry was delighted by the news and came to see her at Rouen.[79] At Pentecost 1134, son Geoffrey was born in Rouen, but the childbirth was extremely difficult and Matilda appeared close to death.[80] She made arrangements for her will and argued with her father about where she should be buried. Matilda preferred Bec Abbey, but Henry wanted her to be interred at Rouen Cathedral.[80] Matilda recovered, and Henry was overjoyed by the birth of his second grandson, possibly insisting on another round of oaths from his nobility.[80][nb 10]

From then on, relations became increasingly strained between Matilda and Henry. The couple suspected that they lacked genuine support in England for their claim to the throne, and proposed in 1135 that the King should hand over the royal castles in Normandy to Matilda and should insist that the Norman nobility immediately swear allegiance to her.[82] This would have given the couple a much more powerful position after Henry's death, but the King angrily refused, probably out of a concern that Geoffrey would try to seize power in Normandy while he was still alive.[83] A fresh rebellion broke out in southern Normandy, and Geoffrey and Matilda intervened militarily on behalf of the rebels.[50]

In the middle of this confrontation, Henry unexpectedly fell ill and died near Lyons-la-Forêt.[84] It is uncertain what, if anything, Henry said about the succession before his death.[85] Contemporary chronicler accounts were coloured by subsequent events. Sources favourable to Matilda suggested that Henry had reaffirmed his intent to grant all his lands to his daughter, while hostile chroniclers argued that Henry had renounced his former plans and had apologised for having forced the barons to swear an oath of allegiance to her.[85]

Road to war
When news began to spread of Henry I's death, Matilda and Geoffrey were in Anjou, supporting the rebels in their campaign against the royal army, which included a number of Matilda's supporters such as Robert of Gloucester.[50] Many of these barons had taken an oath to stay in Normandy until the late king was properly buried, which prevented them from returning to England.[86] Nonetheless, Geoffrey and Matilda took the opportunity to march into southern Normandy and seize a number of key castles around Argentan that had formed Matilda's disputed dowry.[87] They then stopped, unable to advance further, pillaging the countryside and facing increased resistance from the Norman nobility and a rebellion in Anjou itself.[88] Matilda was by now also pregnant with her third son, William; opinions vary among historians as to what extent this affected her military plans.[89][nb 11]

Meanwhile, news of Henry's death had reached Stephen of Blois, conveniently placed in Boulogne, and he left for England, accompanied by his military household. Robert of Gloucester had garrisoned the ports of Dover and Canterbury and some accounts suggest that they refused Stephen access when he first arrived.[90] Nonetheless Stephen reached the edge of London by 8 December and over the next week he began to seize power in England.[91] The crowds in London proclaimed Stephen the new monarch, believing that he would grant the city new rights and privileges in return, and his brother, Henry of Blois, the Bishop of Winchester, delivered the support of the Church to Stephen.[92] Stephen had sworn to support Matilda in 1127, but Henry convincingly argued that the late King had been wrong to insist that his court take the oath, and suggested that the King had changed his mind on his deathbed.[93][nb 12] Stephen's coronation was held a week later at Westminster Abbey on 26 December.[95]

Following the news that Stephen was gathering support in England, the Norman nobility had gathered at Le Neubourg to discuss declaring his elder brother Theobald king.[96] The Normans argued that the count, as the eldest grandson of William the Conqueror, had the most valid claim over the kingdom and the Duchy, and was certainly preferable to Matilda.[97] Their discussions were interrupted by the sudden news from England that Stephen's coronation was to occur the next day.[95] Theobald's support immediately ebbed away, as the barons were not prepared to support the division of England and Normandy by opposing Stephen.[98][nb 13]

Matilda gave birth to her third son William on 22 July 1136 at Argentan, and she then operated out of the border region for the next three years, establishing her household knights on estates around the area.[100] Matilda may have asked Ulger, the Bishop of Angers, to garner support for her claim with the Pope in Rome, but if she did, Ulger was unsuccessful.[101] Geoffrey invaded Normandy in early 1136 and, after a temporary truce, invaded again later the same year, raiding and burning estates rather than trying to hold the territory.[102] Stephen returned to the Duchy in 1137, where he met with Louis VI and Theobald to agree to an informal alliance against Geoffrey and Matilda, to counter the growing Angevin power in the region.[103] Stephen formed an army to retake Matilda's Argentan castles, but frictions between his Flemish mercenary forces and the local Norman barons resulted in a battle between the two-halves of his army.[104] The Norman forces then deserted the King, forcing Stephen to give up his campaign.[105] Stephen agreed to another truce with Geoffrey, promising to pay him 2,000 marks a year in exchange for peace along the Norman borders.[102]

In England, Stephen's reign started off well, with lavish gatherings of the royal court that saw the King give out grants of land and favours to his supporters.[106] Stephen received the support of Pope Innocent II, thanks in part to the testimony of Louis VI and Theobald.[107] Troubles rapidly began to emerge. Matilda's uncle, David I of Scotland, invaded the north of England on the news of Henry's death, taking Carlisle, Newcastle and other key strongholds.[94] Stephen rapidly marched north with an army and met David at Durham, where a temporary compromise was agreed.[108] South Wales rose in rebellion, and by 1137 Stephen was forced to abandon attempts to suppress the revolt.[109] Stephen put down two revolts in the south-west led by Baldwin de Redvers and Robert of Bampton; Baldwin was released after his capture and travelled to Normandy, where he became a vocal critic of the King.[110]

Revolt
Matilda's half-brother, Robert of Gloucester, was one of the most powerful Anglo-Norman barons, controlling estates in Normandy as well as the Earldom of Gloucester.[111] In 1138, he rebelled against Stephen, starting the descent into civil war in England.[112] Robert renounced his fealty to the King and declared his support for Matilda, which triggered a major regional rebellion in Kent and across the south-west of England, although he himself remained in Normandy.[113] Matilda had not been particularly active in asserting her claims to the throne since 1135 and in many ways it was Robert who took the initiative in declaring war in 1138.[114] In France, Geoffrey took advantage of the situation by re-invading Normandy. David of Scotland also invaded the north of England once again, announcing that he was supporting the claim of Matilda to the throne, pushing south into Yorkshire.[115][nb 14]

Stephen responded quickly to the revolts and invasions, paying most attention to England rather than to Normandy. His wife Matilda was sent to Kent with ships and resources from Boulogne, with the task of retaking the key port of Dover, under Robert's control.[111] A small number of Stephen's household knights were sent north to help the fight against the Scots, where David's forces were defeated later that year at the Battle of the Standard.[115] Despite this victory, however, David still occupied most of the north.[115] Stephen himself went west in an attempt to regain control of Gloucestershire, first striking north into the Welsh Marches, taking Hereford and Shrewsbury, before heading south to Bath.[111] The town of Bristol itself proved too strong for him, and Stephen contented himself with raiding and pillaging the surrounding area.[111] The rebels appear to have expected Robert to intervene with support, but he remained in Normandy throughout the year, trying to persuade the Empress Matilda to invade England herself.[116] Dover finally surrendered to the Queen's forces later in the year.[117]

By 1139, an invasion of England by Robert and Matilda appeared imminent. Geoffrey and Matilda had secured much of Normandy and, together with Robert, spent the beginning of the year mobilising forces for a cross-Channel expedition.[118] Matilda also appealed to the papacy at the start of the year; her representative, Bishop Ulger, put forward her legal claim to the English throne on the grounds of her hereditary right and the oaths sworn by the barons.[119] Arnulf of Lisieux led Stephen's case, arguing that because Matilda's mother had really been a nun, her claim to the throne was illegitimate.[120] The Pope declined to reverse his earlier support for Stephen, but from Matilda's perspective the case usefully established that Stephen's claim was disputed.[120]

Civil War
A colour coded map of England showing the political factions in 1140
Political map of Wales and southern England in 1140; areas under Matilda's control (blue); Stephen's (red); Welsh (grey)
Empress Matilda's invasion finally began at the end of the summer of 1139. Baldwin de Redvers crossed over from Normandy to Wareham in August in an initial attempt to capture a port to receive Matilda's invading army, but Stephen's forces forced him to retreat into the south-west.[121] The following month, the Empress was invited by her stepmother, Queen Adeliza, to land at Arundel instead, and on 30 September Robert of Gloucester and Matilda arrived in England with a force of 140 knights.[121][nb 15] Matilda stayed at Arundel Castle, while Robert marched north-west to Wallingford and Bristol, hoping to raise support for the rebellion and to link up with Miles of Gloucester, who took the opportunity to renounce his fealty to the King and declare for Matilda.[123]

Stephen responded by promptly moving south, besieging Arundel and trapping Matilda inside the castle.[124] Stephen then agreed to a truce proposed by his brother, Henry of Blois; the full details of the agreement are not known, but the results were that Matilda and her household of knights were released from the siege and escorted to the south-west of England, where they were reunited with Robert of Gloucester.[124] The reasons for Matilda's release remain unclear. Stephen may have thought it was in his own best interests to release the Empress and concentrate instead on attacking Robert, seeing Robert, rather than Matilda, as his main opponent at this point in the conflict.[124] Arundel Castle was also considered almost impregnable, and Stephen may have been worried that he risked tying down his army in the south whilst Robert roamed freely in the west.[125] Another theory is that Stephen released Matilda out of a sense of chivalry; Stephen had a generous, courteous personality and women were not normally expected to be targeted in Anglo-Norman warfare.[126][nb 16]

After staying for a period in Robert's stronghold of Bristol, Matilda established her court in nearby Gloucester, still safely in the south-west but far enough away for her to remain independent of her half-brother.[128] Although there had been only a few new defections to her cause, Matilda still controlled a compact block of territory stretching out from Gloucester and Bristol south into Wiltshire, west into the Welsh Marches and east through the Thames Valley as far as Oxford and Wallingford, threatening London.[129] Her influence extended down into Devon and Cornwall, and north through Herefordshire, but her authority in these areas remained limited.[130]

She faced a counterattack from Stephen, who started by attacking Wallingford Castle which controlled the Thames corridor; it was held by Brian Fitz Count and Stephen found it too well defended.[131] Stephen continued into Wiltshire to attack Trowbridge, taking the castles of South Cerney and Malmesbury en route.[132] In response, Miles marched east, attacking Stephen's rearguard forces at Wallingford and threatening an advance on London.[133] Stephen was forced to give up his western campaign, returning east to stabilise the situation and protect his capital.[134]

At the start of 1140, Nigel, the Bishop of Ely, joined Matilda's faction.[134] Hoping to seize East Anglia, he established his base of operations in the Isle of Ely, then surrounded by protective fenland.[134] Nigel faced a rapid response from Stephen, who made a surprise attack on the isle, forcing the Bishop to flee to Gloucester.[135] Robert of Gloucester's men retook some of the territory that Stephen had taken in his 1139 campaign.[136] In an effort to negotiate a truce, Henry of Blois held a peace conference at Bath, at which Matilda was represented by Robert.[137] The conference collapsed after Henry and the clergy insisted that they should set the terms of any peace deal, which Stephen's representatives found unacceptable.[136]

Battle of Lincoln
Matilda's fortunes changed dramatically for the better at the start of 1141.[138] Ranulf of Chester, a powerful northern magnate, had fallen out with the King over the winter and Stephen had placed his castle in Lincoln under siege. In response, Robert of Gloucester and Ranulf advanced on Stephen's position with a larger force, resulting in the Battle of Lincoln on 2 February 1141.[139] The King commanded the centre of his army, with Alan of Brittany on his right and William of Aumale on his left.[140] Robert and Ranulf's forces had a superiority in cavalry and Stephen dismounted many of his own knights to form a solid infantry block.[140][nb 17] After an initial success in which William's forces destroyed the Angevins' Welsh infantry, the battle went well for Matilda's forces.[142] Robert and Ranulf's cavalry encircled Stephen's centre, and the King found himself surrounded by the Angevin army.[142] After much fighting, Robert's soldiers finally overwhelmed Stephen and he was taken away from the field in custody.[143]

Matilda received Stephen in person at her court in Gloucester, before having him moved to Bristol Castle, traditionally used for holding high-status prisoners.[144] Matilda now began to take the necessary steps to have herself crowned queen in his place, which would require the agreement of the Church and her coronation at Westminster.[145] Stephen's brother Henry summoned a council at Winchester before Easter in his capacity as papal legate to consider the clergy's view. Matilda had made a private deal with Henry that he would deliver the support of the Church in exchange for being granted control over Church affairs.[146] Henry handed over the royal treasury to her, which proved to be rather depleted except for Stephen's crown, and he excommunicated many of her enemies who refused to switch sides.[147] Archbishop Theobald of Canterbury was unwilling to declare Matilda queen so rapidly, however, and a delegation of clergy and nobles, headed by Theobald, travelled to Bristol to see Stephen, who agreed that, given the situation, he was prepared to release his subjects from their oath of fealty to him.[146][148]

The clergy gathered again in Winchester after Easter and declared Matilda the "Lady of England and Normandy" as a precursor to her coronation.[148] Although Matilda's own followers attended the event, few other major nobles seem to have attended and the delegation from London procrastinated.[149] Stephen's wife, Queen Matilda, wrote to complain and demand her husband's release.[150] Nonetheless, Matilda then advanced to London to arrange her coronation in June, where her position became precarious.[151] Despite securing the support of Geoffrey de Mandeville, who controlled the Tower of London, forces loyal to Stephen and Queen Matilda remained close to the city and the citizens were fearful about welcoming the Empress.[152] On 24 June, shortly before the planned coronation, the city rose up against the Empress and Geoffrey de Mandeville; Matilda and her followers fled just in time, making a chaotic retreat back to Oxford.[153]

Meanwhile, Geoffrey of Anjou invaded Normandy again and, in the absence of Waleran of Beaumont, who was still fighting in England, Geoffrey took all the Duchy south of the River Seine and east of the Risle.[154] No help was forthcoming from Stephen's brother Theobald this time either, who appears to have been preoccupied with his own problems with France-the new French king, Louis VII, had rejected his father's regional alliance, improving relations with Anjou and taking a more bellicose line with Theobald, which would result in war the following year.[155] Geoffrey's success in Normandy and Stephen's weakness in England began to influence the loyalty of many Anglo-Norman barons, who feared losing their lands in England to Robert and the Empress, and their possessions in Normandy to Geoffrey.[156] Many started to leave Stephen's faction. His friend and advisor Waleran was one of those who decided to defect in mid-1141, crossing into Normandy to secure his ancestral possessions by allying himself with the Angevins, and bringing Worcestershire into the Empress's camp.[157] Waleran's twin brother, Robert of Leicester, effectively withdrew from fighting in the conflict at the same time. Other supporters of the Empress were restored in their former strongholds, such as Bishop Nigel of Ely, and still others received new earldoms in the west of England. The royal control over the minting of coins broke down, leading to coins being struck by local barons and bishops across the country.[158]

Rout of Winchester and the Siege of Oxford
Matilda's position was transformed by her defeat at the Rout of Winchester. Her alliance with Henry of Blois proved short-lived and they soon fell out over political patronage and ecclesiastical policy; the Bishop transferred his support back to Stephen's cause.[159] In response, in July Matilda and Robert of Gloucester besieged Henry of Blois in his episcopal castle at Winchester, using the royal castle in the city as the base for their operations.[160] Stephen's wife, Queen Matilda, had kept his cause alive in the south-east of England, and the Queen, backed by her lieutenant William of Ypres and reinforced with fresh troops from London, took the opportunity to advance on Winchester.[161] Their forces encircled Matilda's army.[162] Matilda decided to escape from the city with Fitz Count and Reginald of Cornwall, while the rest of her army delayed the royal forces.[163] In the subsequent battle the Empress's forces were defeated and Robert of Gloucester himself was taken prisoner during the retreat, although Matilda herself escaped, exhausted, to her fortress at Devizes.[164]

With both Stephen and Robert held prisoner, negotiations were held to try to come to agreement on a long-term peace settlement, but Queen Matilda was unwilling to offer any compromise to the Empress, and Robert refused to accept any offer to encourage him to change sides to Stephen.[165] Instead, in November the two sides simply exchanged the two leaders, Stephen returning to his queen, and Robert to the Empress in Oxford.[166] Henry held another church council, which reversed its previous decision and reaffirmed Stephen's legitimacy to rule, and a fresh coronation of Stephen and Matilda occurred at Christmas 1141.[165] Stephen travelled north to raise new forces and to successfully persuade Ranulf of Chester to change sides once again.[167] Stephen then spent the summer attacking some of the new Angevin castles built the previous year, including Cirencester, Bampton and Wareham.[168]

During the summer of 1142 Robert returned to Normandy to assist Geoffrey with operations against some of Stephen's remaining followers there, before returning in the autumn.[169] Matilda came under increased pressure from Stephen's forces and was surrounded at Oxford.[168] Oxford was a secure town, protected by walls and the River Isis, but Stephen led a sudden attack across the river, leading the charge and swimming part of the way.[170] Once on the other side, the King and his men stormed into the town, trapping Matilda in the castle.[170] Oxford Castle was a powerful fortress and, rather than storming it, Stephen decided to settle down for a long siege.[170] Just before Christmas, Matilda sneaked out of the castle with a handful of knights (probably via a postern gate), crossed the icy river on foot and made her escape past the royal army to safety at Wallingford, leaving the castle garrison free to surrender the next day.[171][nb 18]

Stalemate
In the aftermath of the retreat from Winchester, Matilda rebuilt her court at Devizes Castle, a former property of the Bishop of Salisbury that had been confiscated by Stephen.[173] She established her household knights on the surrounding estates, supported by Flemish mercenaries, ruling through the network of local sheriffs and other officials.[174] Many of those that had lost lands in the regions held by the King travelled west to take up patronage from Matilda.[175] Backed by the pragmatic Robert of Gloucester, Matilda was content to engage in a drawn-out struggle, and the war soon entered a stalemate.[176]

At first, the balance of power appeared to move slightly in Matilda's favour.[177] Robert of Gloucester besieged Stephen in 1143 at Wilton Castle, an assembly point for royal forces in Herefordshire.[178] Stephen attempted to break out and escape, resulting in the Battle of Wilton. Once again, the Angevin cavalry proved too strong, and for a moment it appeared that Stephen might be captured for a second time, before finally managing to escape.[179] Later in the year Geoffrey de Mandeville, the Earl of Essex, rose up in rebellion against Stephen in East Anglia.[180] Geoffrey based himself from the Isle of Ely and began a military campaign against Cambridge, with the intention of progressing south towards London.[181] Ranulf of Chester revolted once again in the summer of 1144.[182] Meanwhile, Geoffrey of Anjou finished securing his hold on southern Normandy, and in January 1144 he advanced into Rouen, the capital of the Duchy, concluding his campaign.[167] Louis VII recognised him as Duke of Normandy shortly after.[183]

Despite these successes, Matilda was unable to consolidate her position.[184] Miles of Gloucester, one of the most talented of her military commanders, had died while hunting over the previous Christmas.[185] Geoffrey de Mandeville's rebellion against Stephen in the east ended with his death in September 1144 during an attack on Burwell Castle.[186] As a result, Stephen made progress against Matilda's forces in the west in 1145, recapturing Faringdon Castle in Oxfordshire.[186] Matilda authorised Reginald, the Earl of Cornwall, to attempt fresh peace negotiations, but neither side was prepared to compromise.[187]

Conclusion of the war
The character of the conflict in England gradually began to shift; by the late 1140s, the major fighting in the war was over, giving way to an intractable stalemate, with only the occasional outbreak of fresh fighting.[188] Several of Matilda's key supporters died: in 1147 Robert of Gloucester died peacefully, and Brian Fitz Count gradually withdrew from public life, probably eventually joining a monastery; by 1151 he was dead.[189] Many of Matilda's other followers joined the Second Crusade when it was announced in 1145, leaving the region for several years.[188] Some of the Anglo-Norman barons made individual peace agreements with each other to secure their lands and war gains, and many were not keen to pursue any further conflict.[190]

Matilda's eldest son Henry slowly began to assume a leading role in the conflict.[191] He had remained in France when the Empress first left for England.[192] He crossed over to England in 1142, before returning to Anjou in 1144.[192] Geoffrey of Anjou expected Henry to become the King of England and began to involve him in the government of the family lands.[193] In 1147, Henry intervened in England with a small mercenary army but the expedition failed, not least because Henry lacked the funds to pay his men.[188] Henry asked his mother for money, but she refused, stating that she had none available.[194] In the end Stephen himself ended up paying off Henry's mercenaries, allowing him to return home safely; his reasons for doing so remain unclear.[195][nb 19]

Matilda decided to return to Normandy in 1148, partially due to her difficulties with the Church.[196] The Empress had occupied the strategically essential Devizes Castle in 1142, maintaining her court there, but legally it still belonged to Josceline de Bohon, the Bishop of Salisbury, and in late 1146 Pope Eugene III intervened to support his claims, threatening Matilda with excommunication if she did not return it.[196] Matilda first played for time, then left for Normandy in early 1148, leaving the castle to Henry, who then procrastinated over its return for many years.[197] Matilda re-established her court in Rouen, where she met with her sons and husband and probably made arrangements for her future life in Normandy, and for Henry's next expedition to England.[198] Matilda chose to live in the priory of Notre Dame du Pré, situated just south of Rouen, where she lived in personal quarters attached to the priory and in a nearby palace built by Henry.[199]

Matilda increasingly devoted her efforts to the administration of Normandy, rather than the war in England.[200] Geoffrey sent the Bishop of Thérouanne to Rome in 1148 to campaign for Henry's right to the English throne, and opinion within the English Church gradually shifted in Henry's favour.[201] Matilda and Geoffrey made peace with Louis VII, who in return supported Henry's rights to Normandy.[202] Geoffrey died unexpectedly in 1151, and Henry claimed the family lands.[203] Henry returned to England once again at the start of 1153 with a small army, winning the support of some of the major regional barons.[204] Neither side's army was keen to fight, however, and the Church brokered a truce; a permanent peace followed, under which Henry recognised Stephen as king, but became Stephen's adopted son and successor.[205] Meanwhile, Normandy faced considerable disorder and the threat of baronial revolt, which Matilda was unable to totally suppress.[206] Stephen died the next year, and Henry assumed the throne; his coronation used the grander of the two imperial crowns that Matilda had brought back from Germany in 1125.[207] Once Henry had been crowned, the troubles facing Matilda in Normandy died away.[206]

Later life
Matilda spent the rest of her life in Normandy, often acting as Henry's representative and presiding over the government of the Duchy.[208] Early on, Matilda and her son issued charters in England and Normandy in their joint names, dealing with the various land claims that had arisen during the wars.[208] Particularly in the initial years of his reign, the King drew on her for advice on policy matters.[209] Matilda was involved in attempts to mediate between Henry and his Chancellor Thomas Becket when the two men fell out in the 1160s.[13] Matilda had originally cautioned against the appointment, but when the Prior of Mont St Jacques asked her for a private interview on Becket's behalf to seek her views, she provided a moderate perspective on the problem.[13] Matilda explained that she disagreed with Henry's attempts to codify English customs, which Becket was opposed to, but also condemned poor administration in the English Church and Becket's own headstrong behaviour.[13]

Matilda helped to deal with several diplomatic crises. The first of these involved the Hand of St James, the relic which Matilda had brought back with her from Germany many years before.[210] Frederick I, the Holy Roman Emperor, considered the hand to be part of the imperial regalia and requested that Henry return it to Germany.[211] Matilda and Henry were equally insistent that it should remain at Reading Abbey, where it had become a popular attraction for visiting pilgrims.[211] Frederick was bought off with an alternative set of expensive gifts from England, including a huge, luxurious tent, probably chosen by Matilda, which Frederick used for court events in Italy.[212] She was also approached by Louis VII of France, in 1164, and helped to defuse a growing diplomatic row over the handling of Crusading funds.[13]

In her old age Matilda paid increasing attention to Church affairs and her personal faith, although she remained involved in governing Normandy throughout her life.[213] Matilda appears to have had particular fondness for her youngest son William.[214] She opposed Henry's proposal in 1155 to invade Ireland and give the lands to William, however, possibly on the grounds that the project was impractical, and instead William received large grants of land in England.[13] Matilda was more easy-going in her later life than in her youth, but the chronicler of Mont St Jacques, who met her during this period, still felt that she appeared to be "of the stock of tyrants".[215]

Death
Matilda died on 10 September 1167, and her remaining wealth was given to the Church.[216][nb 20] She was buried under the high altar at the abbey of Bec-Hellouin in a service led by Rotrou, the Archbishop of Rouen.[217] Her tomb's epitaph included the lines "Great by birth, greater by marriage, greatest in her offspring: here lies Matilda, the daughter, wife, and mother of Henry", which became a famous phrase among her contemporaries.[218][nb 21] This tomb was damaged in a fire in 1263 and later restored in 1282, before finally being destroyed by an English army in 1421.[219] In 1684 the Congregation of St. Maur identified some of her remaining bones and reburied them at Bec-Hellouin in a new coffin.[219] Her remains were lost again after the destruction of Bec-Hellouin's church by Napoleon, but were found once more in 1846 and this time reburied at Rouen Cathedral, where they remain.[219]

Matilda as ruler
In the Holy Roman Empire, the young Matilda's court included knights, chaplains and ladies-in-waiting, although, unlike some queens of the period, she did not have her own personal chancellor to run her household, instead using the imperial chancellor.[24] When acting as regent in Italy, she found the local rulers were prepared to accept a female ruler.[220] Her Italian administration included the Italian chancellor, backed by experienced administrators.[220] She was not called upon to make any major decisions, instead dealing with smaller matters and acting as the symbolic representative of her absent husband, meeting with and helping to negotiate with magnates and clergy.[221]

On her return from Germany to Normandy and Anjou, she styled herself as empress and the daughter of King Henry.[222] During the civil war for England, her status was uncertain. The Anglo-Saxon queens of England had exercised considerable formal power, but this tradition had diminished under the Normans: at most their queens ruled temporarily as regents on their husbands' behalf when they were away travelling, rather than in their own right.[223] Initially between 1139 and 1141 Matilda referred to herself as acting as a feme sole, "a woman acting alone", highlighting her autonomy and independence from her husband Geoffrey.[224] She had an imperial great seal created, which was round like the seal of a king - queens used an oval seal - but which showed Matilda enthroned as an empress and titled as the Queen of the Romans.[225] The seal did not show her on horseback, however, as a male ruler would have been depicted.[225] Since she was never crowned at Westminster, during the rest of the war she appears to have used her title of Lady of the English, rather than that of the Queen of England, although some contemporaries referred to her by the royal title.[226]

Matilda presented herself as continuing the English tradition of centralised royal government, and attempted to maintain a government in England parallel to Stephen's, including a royal household and a chancellor.[227] Matilda gathered revenues from the royal estates in the counties under her control, particularly in her core territories where the sheriffs were loyal to her cause.[228] She appointed earls to rival those created by Stephen.[229] She was unable to operate a system of royal law courts, however, and her administrative resources were extremely limited, although some of her clerks went on to become bishops in Normandy.[230] Matilda issued two types of coins in her name during her time in England, which were used in the west of England and Wales.[231] The first were initially minted in Oxford during her stay there, and the design was then adopted by her mints at Bristol, Cardiff and Wareham after her victory at the Battle of Lincoln.[231] A second design was minted at Bristol and Cardiff during the 1140s.[231]

On returning to Normandy for the last time in 1148, Matilda ceased to use the title Lady of the English, simply styling herself as empress again; she never adopted the title of Countess of Anjou.[232] Matilda's household became smaller, and often merged with Henry's own court when the two were co-located in Rouen.[233] She continued to play a special role in the government of the area around Argentan, where she held feudal rights from the grants made at the time of her second marriage.[234]

Relations with the Church
It is unclear how strong Matilda's personal piety was, although contemporaries praised her lifelong preference to be buried at the monastic site of Bec rather than the grander but more worldly Rouen, and believed her to have substantial, underlying religious beliefs.[235] Like other members of the Anglo-Norman nobility, she bestowed considerable patronage on the Church.[236] Early on in her life, she preferred the well-established Benedictine monastery of Cluny alongside some of the newer Augustinian orders, such as the Victorines and Premonstratensians.[237] As part of this patronage, she re-founded the abbey of Notre-Dame-du-Vœu near Cherbourg.[238]

As time went by, Matilda directed more of her attention to the Cistercian order. This order was very fashionable in England and Normandy during the period, and was dedicated to the Virgin Mary, a figure of particular importance to Matilda.[239] She had close links to the Cistercian Mortemer Abbey in Normandy, and drew on the house for a supply of monks when she supported the foundation of nearby La Valasse.[240] She encouraged the Cistercians to build at Mortemer on a grand scale, with guest houses to accommodate a range of visitors of all ranks, and may have played a part in selecting the paintings for the monastic chapels.[241]

Legacy
Historiography
Contemporary chroniclers in England, France, Germany and Italy documented many aspects of Matilda's life, although the only biography of her, apparently written by Arnulf of Lisieux, has been lost.[242] The chroniclers took a range of perspectives on her.[242] In Germany, the chroniclers praised Matilda extensively and her reputation as the "good Matilda" remained positive.[13] During the years of the Anarchy, works such as the Gesta Stephani took a much more negative tone, praising Stephen and condemning Matilda.[243] Once Henry II assumed the throne, the tone of the chroniclers towards Matilda became more positive.[244] Legends spread in the years after Matilda's death, including the suggestion that her first husband, Henry, had not died but had in fact secretly become a hermit - making Matilda's second marriage illegitimate - and a tale that Matilda had an affair with Stephen, resulting in the conception of Henry II.[245]

Tudor scholars were interested in Matilda's right of succession.[246] According to 16th century standards, Matilda had a clear right to the English throne, and academics therefore struggled to explain why Matilda had acquiesced to her son Henry's kingship at the end of the war, rather than ruling directly herself.[247] By the 18th century, historians such as David Hume had a much better understanding of the irregular nature of 12th century law and custom and this question became less relevant.[248] By the 19th century, the archival sources on Matilda's life, including charters, foundation histories, and letters, were being uncovered and analysed.[249] Historians Kate Norgate, Sir James Ramsay and J. H. Round used these to produce new, richer accounts of Matilda and the civil war; Ramsay's account, using the Gesta Stephani, was not complimentary, while Norgate, drawing on French sources, was more neutral in tone.[250] The German academic Oskar Rössler's 1897 biography drew heavily on German charters, not extensively used by Anglophone historians.[251]

Matilda has attracted relatively little attention from modern English academics, being treated as a marginal figure in comparison to other contemporaries, particularly her rival Stephen, in contrast to the work carried out by German scholars on her time in the Empire.[252] Popular, but not always accurate, biographies were written by the Earl of Onslow in 1939 and Nesta Pain in 1978, but the only major academic biography in English remains Marjorie Chibnall's 1991 work.[253] Interpretations of Matilda's character have shifted over time, but there is, as Chibnall describes, a "general agreement that she was either proud or at least keenly conscious of the high status of an empress".[254] Like both Henry I and Henry II, Matilda had a certain autocratic grandeur, which was combined with a firm moral belief in her cause; ultimately however she was limited by the political conventions of the 12th century.[255] The treatment of Matilda by modern historians has been challenged by feminist scholars, including Fiona Tolhurst, who believe some traditional assumptions about her role and personality show gender bias.[256] In this interpretation, Matilda has been unfairly criticised for showing qualities that have been considered praiseworthy when seen in her male contemporaries.[257]

Matilda married Geoffrey Plantagenet the Fair Anjou on 22 May 1128 in Le Mans Cathedral, Anjou, France. Geoffrey was born on 24 Aug 1113 in Anjou, France; died on 7 Sep 1151 in Château-du-Loir, France. [Group Sheet] [Family Chart]